Entitled the "Countering the Influence of Foreign Intelligence Services, Governments, and Entities'" bill, it has already entered the process of becoming law after it was approved by parliament on 16 August.
According to the UN Fact-Finding Mission report published in September, the "broad and vaguely worded" bill would oblige Iranians to register "activities with foreign agents or foreign nationals" and obtain approval through an online system connected to the ministry of intelligence and the intelligence branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), who answer directly to Iran's Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei.
The IRGC has ordered often violent crackdowns on protesters such as in January 2026, when it was designated a terrorist organisation by the European Union and other major bodies.
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Ambiguity
This draft law doesn't just target journalists, but all Iranians who speak to foreign media without approval.
"It also includes political economic collaborations, financing, sharing information, any sort of information sharing or receiving finances," Jonathan Daghler, head of Reporters without Borders (RSF) Middle East Desk, told RFI.
People found guilty of speaking to foreign media without approval, or to any American or Israeli outlet could face up to 30 years in jail.
"Instead of precisely defining espionage, [the law] relies on extremely broad concepts such as 'collaboration'," noted Mousa Barzin, an Iranian lawyer in exile in Turkey. The end result is Iranians "out of fear of sanctions, choose to remain silent," he added.
Mohsen Borhani, a jurist and university professor at the University of Tehran, who has been arrested and imprisoned in Iran, has also criticised the bill. According to him, Article 1 highlights an issue of ambiguity of the phrasing and interpretation on charges of "tarnishing public trust" or "damaging national unity".
He added that Article 5 would see the ministry of intelligence tasked with preparing an annual list of authorised foreign governments, universities, institutes, and organisations. Academics would thus be confined to interacting solely with those on the approved list. As Daghler points out, all citizens are being targeted under this bill.
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Impetus for new law
The push to create the bill stems from the US-Israel-Iran war which broke out in February.
But it comes on the back of a surge in arrests during a 2022 crackdown on the 'Woman, Life, Freedom' movement, which saw over 100 media professionals detained.
"They are basically legitimising measures that have already been put in place ever since the war," Daghler said. Journalists have already been informally accused of espionage, he added. This bill just legitimises and expands the practice. This UGC image posted on Twitter reportedly on October 26, 2022 shows an unveiled woman standing on top of a vehicle as thousands make their way towards Aichi cemetery in Saqez, Mahsa Amini's home town in the western Iranian province of Kurdistan, to mark 40 days since her death, defying heightened security measures as part of a bloody crackdown on women-led protests. (Photo by UGC / AFP) /
Under Article 57 of Iran's Constitution, the separation of the three branches of power, legislative, executive, judiciary, are formally recognised. However, the same article notes that these branches are "under the authority of the Supreme Leader", who also determines general state policies and their implementation.
This draft media law, already been passed by parliament, will now go before the 12-member Guardian Council. If accepted, it will be signed by the President, who will then notify the people of the new law.
Despite international pushback on this law, the judicial branch is unlikely to do much to go against the Guardian Council. As Daghler puts it: "If we're counting on the Iranian judiciary to do something about it, we're looking at the problem itself."



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