Looting the Republic: When Public Office Becomes a Licence to Steal (Part II)

When the New Patriotic Party (NPP) took over from the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in 2017, Ghanaians were promised a new dawn of accountability. The NPP came in swinging, armed with a list of “corrupt officials” from the Mahama administration. Names were dropped, files were opened, and the party’s communicators filled the airwaves with talk of prosecution and asset recovery.

Eight years on, the story has taken a familiar turn. Not a single high-profile conviction has stood the test of time. The long list of supposed “thieves” ended up as mere headlines. Many cases were discontinued, settled quietly, or lost in procedural labyrinths. Ghanaians, once hopeful that change had finally come, now speak of “noise without justice.” And as the dust settled, it became clear that while the NPP had arrived to clean house, it ended up simply changing the beneficiaries of the loot.

The Woyome Benchmark --- Ghana’s Corruption Litmus Test

Every administration after 2010 has invoked the Woyome case as proof that “something went wrong.” Alfred Agbesi Woyome, a financier of the NDC, was wrongfully paid ₵51.2 million in judgment debt related to the construction of stadiums for CAN 2008. In 2014, the Supreme Court ordered him to refund the money, declaring the payment unconstitutional. When the NPP came to power, Ghanaians expected the new government to enforce recovery and jail all collaborators. Instead, the case dragged for years. By 2021, some of the funds had not been recovered, and Woyome continued to appeal through multiple courts. The handling of the case became symbolic of Ghana’s deeper rot --- a system that names corruption but rarely punishes it.

From Cleaners to Culprits --- The NPP’s Own Stains

After campaigning on anti-corruption, the NPP soon found itself buried in the very scandals it had condemned.

• The PDS Power Concession Scandal (2019): The deal to privatize ECG’s management under the Power Distribution Services consortium collapsed when it emerged that PDS had presented fraudulent financial guarantees. The government hurriedly terminated the contract, but no one was held accountable for the loss of millions and reputational damage.
• The “Galamsey Economy” Exposé (2022): A secretly recorded video by journalist Anas Aremeyaw Anas caught a Minister of State at the Finance Ministry allegedly soliciting bribes from a supposed investor. The tape confirmed suspicions that corruption had infiltrated even high-ranking offices. The minister resigned under pressure, but prosecution stalled.
• The National Food Buffer Stock Company (2024): The Attorney-General’s recent audit revealed a ₵2.2 billion gap in food procurement records, inflated contracts, and ghost deliveries. The scandal shocked the public because the programme was meant to help schools and farmers, not enrich a few. Former executives were invited for questioning, yet none has faced the courts to date.
• The Cecilia Dapaah Case (2023): The public was stunned when police reported the theft of over US$1 million, €300,000, and millions of cedis in cash from the home of then-Sanitation Minister Cecilia Dapaah. Rather than outrage, confusion reigned. How did a public officer accumulate such sums at home? The Special Prosecutor investigated, but as with many cases, legal back-and-forth stalled outcomes.

Selective Justice and Political Recycling

Ghanaians have seen the pattern: When the NDC rules, the NPP lists its scandals. When the NPP rules, the NDC returns the favour. In both cases, little happens in court. This “rotational amnesty” culture has produced what one civil society advocate calls “the politics of mutual protection.” Both major parties have an unspoken understanding --- do not dig too deep, for tomorrow you might need protection too. During the NDC years, cases like the Bus Branding Scandal (₵3.6 million), GYEEDA, and SSNIT Software Contract exposed systemic rot. Yet few top officials were jailed. Under the NPP, the same disease reappeared --- inflated contracts, unprocured projects, and unaccounted funds. Thus, both parties preach integrity while benefiting from the same loopholes they pretend to fight.

The Auditor-General’s Crossfire

The Office of the Auditor-General, once the symbol of independence, is now caught in political crossfire. Under Daniel Yao Domelevo, the institution took a fearless posture, surcharging officials and publishing damning reports. Domelevo’s forced “retirement” in 2021 marked the start of a cooling period. Now, the current Auditor-General has revived public audits and named specific ministries and agencies in financial irregularities amounting to billions. Yet rather than strengthening the system, these reports have become political ammunition for rival parties. The Attorney-General’s new disclosures under ORAL, implicating top public officials and politically exposed persons, could redefine accountability. But for that to happen, cases must survive the test of courtrooms, not just radio debates.

The Danger of Media Wars
The ruling party has labelled recent exposes by the Auditor-General and AGD as a “media war.” But media investigations and civic pressure are not enemies of democracy, they are its last line of defense. When the Executive dismisses every allegation as “political witch-hunt,” it signals a deep crisis of credibility. And when citizens stop believing either side, they turn away from politics altogether. The 2024 election’s low turnout, the lowest since 1992, is partly a reflection of that apathy.

The Moral Decay --- From Looting to Family Affairs

What makes the current cycle particularly disturbing is the moral dimension. Several of the recent allegations involve not just officials but their spouses and relatives --- signatories on accounts, co-owners of properties, or beneficiaries of questionable transfers. When the line between public office and private family business disappears, moral decay sets in. The scandal of spouses owning state-funded mansions and luxury cars erodes any remaining faith in leadership. A senior clergy recently remarked: “Corruption used to be a sin of greed. Today it has become a family investment plan.” That biting remark sums up the current state of the nation.

The NDC’s Calculated Counter-Move

Behind the scenes, the NDC’s new strategists have been patient. They understood the psychology of Ghanaian voters --- fatigue with hypocrisy. Instead of only replaying old tapes of NPP promises, they built their 2024 campaign around the “robbery under Nana Addo’s watch.” While most Ghanaians expected it to be mere rhetoric, a few insiders in the NDC had a different mission: to dismantle the NPP’s moral authority completely. The plan included exposing alleged financial crimes under the current administration, branding the NPP as “the new looters”, promising to rename and reform key state institutions if voted back. The NPP, caught unprepared, dismissed it as propaganda, until hard evidence started surfacing. Bank transactions, audit reports, and procurement breaches began appearing in public documents. Now the NPP is on the defensive, arguing that “the process must follow the law.” That may be correct, but it also sounds hollow when the same party spent years demanding instant accountability from its predecessors.

The Stakes for Both Parties

• For the NPP: Failure to deliver on anti-corruption will define its legacy. If the courts eventually confirm that its officials looted state funds, the party risks being remembered not for infrastructure or free SHS, but for hypocrisy.
• For the NDC: The risk is overreach. If their internal investigations and the Attorney-General’s disclosures turn out to be exaggerated or politically manipulated, the credibility of the entire anti-corruption narrative collapses. Ghanaians may see it as another round of “power games.”
• For the Attorney-General and Auditor-General: This is a career-defining moment. Their integrity, courage, and adherence to due process will determine whether future governments respect these offices or continue to treat them as tools of convenience.

The Way Forward --- Beyond Talk

• Institutional Independence Must Be Protected. The Auditor-General, the Special Prosecutor, and the Judiciary must be insulated from political interference. Parliament should resist the temptation to weaponize reports.
• Due Process, Not Due Politics. The NPP must insist on transparency even when its own are accused. The NDC, if it returns to power, must submit its own people to the same legal tests.
• Public Reporting of Recoveries. Every recovered cedi should be accounted for publicly, through audited statements accessible to all citizens.
• Civic Education and Citizen Action. Until the Ghanaian voter learns to punish corruption at the ballot box, political elites will keep playing musical chairs with the Republic’s resources.

What This Tells Us
Ghana’s democracy stands on trial, not before a judge, but before its own citizens. The promise of change that began with so much hope has mutated into despair. The NPP’s anti-corruption crusade began with high drama and ended with self-inflicted wounds. The NDC, ever strategic, now positions itself as the moral alternative --- but Ghanaians remember that both parties have sinned.

The real fight is no longer between NPP and NDC. It is between political impunity and national survival. If the Attorney-General’s current cases succeed, they could signal a turning point, and proof that Ghana’s institutions can rise above politics. But if they collapse under pressure, the message will be simple: in Ghana, looting pays, and honesty is punished. And that, indeed, would mean that public office has truly become a license to steal.

FUSEINI ABDULAI BRAIMAH
+233208282575 / +233550558008
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