The 11th July 2025 parliamentary rerun in Ablekuma North Constituency exposed Ghana’s entrenched cycle of electoral violence and partisan blame-shifting. This analysis deconstructs the immediate accusations exchanged by the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC), contextualises them within the history of unresolved political violence of Ghana, and evaluates their impact on democratic accountability. Evidence from eyewitness reports, party statements, and security assessments reveals how finger-pointing perpetuates impunity.
INTRODUCTION
The Blame Game Framework
Electoral conflicts in Ghana follow a predictable script: violence erupts, parties deny responsibility, and investigations stall. The Ablekuma North rerun, where NDC’s Ewurabena Aubynn narrowly defeated NPP’s Akua Afriyie (34,090 to 33,881 votes) exemplified this pattern. Within hours of attacks on former MP Hawa Koomson, journalists, and voters, both parties issued contradictory narratives:
- NPP: Accused NDC of “Orchestrating state-sponsored thuggery”.
- NDC: Blamed NPP for “Importing vigilantes to destabilise strongholds”.
This reflex response obstructs genuine accountability, as evidenced by the 20-year history of unresolved electoral violence of Ghana.
BREAKDOWN OF ACCUSATIONS: EVIDENCE VS. RHETORIC
A. Narrative of NPP: “State-Sponsored Terror”
Claim: Minority Leader Alexander Afenyo-Markin accused NDC figures Malik Basintale and Mustapha Gbande of planning the violence to discredit police .
Evidence: Viral videos showed Koomson being stomped by assailants at St. Peter’s Society Methodist Church while police hesitated. Party agents highlighted arrests of individuals in “Brown security uniforms” near polling stations as proof of state complicity.
Contradiction: NPP ignored Koomson’s 2019 alleged involvement in Ayawaso violence, noted by NDC’s Sam George: “What did Bawumia say about Ayawaso?”.
B. Counter Statement by the NDC: “Legitimate Resistance”
Claim: NDC framed assaults as “Self-defense” against NPP’s historical intimidation, citing Koomson’s 2020 Kasoa shooting incident.
Evidence: NDC supporters referenced Koomson’s use of pepper spray during the chaos as provocation.
Contradiction: NDC failed to explain attacks on journalists, including a police officer slapping a GhOne TV reporter.
C. Neutral and Unbiased Analysis:
Security expert Richard Kumadoe observed: “There’s a deliberate attempt to disrupt and blame police” , suggesting both parties benefit from chaos. Again, CDD-Ghana data confirms vigilante groups rebrand to evade the 2019 Vigilantism Act .
TABLE 1: HISTORICAL PARALLELS: RECYCLING BLAME
| Election | NPP Accusation | NDC Accusation | Outcome |
| Ayawaso (2019) | “NDC instigated violence” | “NPP deployed national security thugs” | No prosecutions; reforms ignored |
| 2020 General | “NDC militia attacked agent” | “NPP used police to suppress votes” | 8 deaths; cases stalled |
| Ablekuma (2025) | “NDC state terror” | “NPP imported vigilantes” | Investigations announced |
Source: CDD-Ghana, MyJoyOnline
The Ablekuma violence is a Reflection Ayawaso’s aftermath:
- Identical rhetoric dismissing opposing claims as hypocritical.
- Focus on sensational incidents (Koomson assault vs. 2019 shootings) to mobilise bases.
- No commitment to cross-party investigations.
INSTITUTIONAL ENABLERS OF FINGER-POINTING
A. Weak Law Enforcement
Police interdicted officer Lumor for assaulting a journalist but took no action against politicians named in violence instigation. The 2019 Vigilantism Act (Act 999) remains unenforced against high-profile suspects.
B. Partisan Media Ecosystems
Pro-NPP media amplified Koomson’s assault while downplaying journalist attacks while pro-NDC outlets highlighted police brutality but ignored “Brown uniform” arrests. This bifurcation fractures public perception, with Afrobarometer showing 64% trust in 2020 elections vs. 87% in 2016.
C. International Complicity
The U.S. visa ban threat for instigators has not deterred violence, suggesting limited enforcement.
CONSEQUENCES OF BLAME-SHIFTING
- Eroded Public Trust: 78% of Ghanaians believe politicians prioritise power over citizen safety (CDD-Ghana 2024).
- Policy Paralysis: Parliament delays electoral reforms due to mutual distrust.
- Vigilante Entrenchment: Unemployment and poverty drive youth to party militias (34.8% of violence linked to poverty).
- Journalist Intimidation: Five (5) attacks during 2025 Council of State elections reflect normalised hostility.
BREAKING THE CYCLE: EVIDENCE-BASED SOLUTIONS
- Independent Rerun Investigative Commission (IRIC):
- Composition: Appointed by Supreme Court, not president.
- Mandate: Subpoena party officials, security agencies, and candidates.
- Precedent: 2019 Ayawaso Commission (undermined by political non-compliance).
- Enforce Act 999 via Special Prosecutor:
- Fast-track trials of named instigators (e.g., Basintale, Gbande).
- Seize party assets funding militias.
- Media Fact-Checking Protocol:
- EC-mandated debates where parties respond to violence evidence.
- GJA blacklist for politicians inciting attacks.
- International Accountability:
- Implement U.S./EU visa bans on all violence perpetrators.
- ECOWAS Court oversight for victims (e.g., assaulted journalists) .
CONCLUSION
Accountability Over Allegiance
The Ablekuma North blame trade, like Ayawaso before it, serves as political theatre distracting from systemic failures. As security analyst Kumadoe warns, “Justice delayed is justice denied” . The democracy of Ghana cannot withstand perpetual recycling of violence. Only when parties face prosecutorial, not just rhetorical, consequences will the finger-pointing end.
REFERENCES
- BBC Pidgin. (2025). NDC Candidate Wins Controversial Ablekuma North Rerun.
- CDD-Ghana. (2025). Electoral Violence and Vigilantism in Ghana. MyJoyOnline .
- GBC Ghana. (2025). Violence Mars Ablekuma North Rerun.
- Ghana Police Service. (2025). Ablekuma North Rerun: Arrests of Suspects in Security Uniforms.
- MyJoyOnline. (2025). Ablekuma North Rerun Inflames Ghana’s Electoral Violence Crisis.
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