In northern Togo, the covert presence of Russian and Turkish mercenaries is undermining national sovereignty

Russian and Turkish mercenaries are present in northern Togo's Savanes region, according to a statement from Togolese civil society, which confirms the presence of approximately 350 foreign fighters on the ground. These include members of the Russian Africa Corps expeditionary force, which operates under the Russian Ministry of Defense, and operatives of the Turkish private military company SADAT.

The presence of these foreign actors which has taken place without any official announcement or parliamentary oversight raises serious questions about the state's sovereignty and the safety of its citizens.

A secret, well-organized military presence in the Savanes
An analysis of logistics flows and satellite data, combined with local accounts, makes it possible to map a network of military installations that are closed to the public and highly secure.

Dihiaga Base, about 20 km from Dapaong: A fortified compound covering more than ten hectares. Construction work reportedly began around September 2023, carried out primarily by the construction group Ebomaf. The site includes fortified barracks, with access restricted by the Togolese military. Residents report expropriations with partial compensation, followed by the gradual arrival of foreign military personnel beginning in late December 2023, transported under escort.

Ponio area and border trenches: Along the road to Kompienga, Burkina Faso, a continuous trench stretches for hundreds of kilometers to prevent infiltration. Secondary bases house SADAT operators involved in the deployment of Bayraktar TB2 drones and the training of Special Forces. Witnesses in Dapaong report that these instructors wear uniforms similar to those of the Togolese Armed Forces (FAT), without distinctive insignia. Residents of the area report the gradual arrival of foreign military personnel beginning in late December 2023, transported in yellow buses under escort by the Togolese army.

The Dapaong sector and the Russian contingent: Alongside the Turkish presence, the Russian component has taken shape. Their presence was first identified in mid-January 2026, notably at the Eyadema Military Academy near Sarakawa and later at the Nioukpourma camp west of Dapaong. Local estimates and observation reports indicate that there are 150 to 250 Africa Corps troops in the region, engaged in intelligence operations and border patrols. An airlift via Niamtougou (Il-76 aircraft from Niamey and Bamako) and maritime logistics have been reported.

The Port of Lomé as a gateway for weapons into the Sahel: On July 9, 2026, the Russian cargo ship Mikhail Britnev which was subject to international sanctions and escorted by a warship docked at the Port of Lomé to unload military equipment and armored vehicles destined for Africa Corps. This equipment is then transported to the north of the country to be shipped overland to the Sahel countries, making Lomé a key logistics hub for the juntas in Bamako and Ouagadougou.

By signing these agreements, Togo is strengthening the presence of foreign entities within its borders. A presence that raises questions about sovereignty and the legal framework Several agreements formalizes these external partnerships.

A military cooperation agreement signed with Moscow in 2025 paved the way for Russian instructors, ships, and aircraft, while a framework agreement has linked Lomé and Ankara since 2021. Togo also acquired Bayraktar TB2 drones beginning in 2022 and strengthened its security cooperation with Turkey.

The Togolese Constitution of May 6, 2024, provides that any treaty or agreement relating to national defense must be submitted to Parliament for approval. However, there is no public record of a parliamentary review regarding the specific framework governing Africa Corps or SADAT.

Nathaniel Olympio publicly questioned the missions, priorities, and commitments of these foreign forces: "A force made up of foreign fighters, linked to government agencies in other countries, may not have the same priorities as a soldier defending his own country. What do they do? What are their missions? Do they go into combat?"

This presence comes at a time when Russia is expanding its influence in West Africa. Foreign forces operate under the authority of third-party states Moscow and Ankara in this case which can create conflicts of interest with Togo's national priorities. Turkish and Russian mercenaries cannot be expected to share the same priorities as a Togolese soldier defending his own country.

A threat to Togo and its people
The Savanes region has been under a state of emergency since 2022, and nearly 8,000 Togolese soldiers are deployed there to counter jihadist attacks that left at least 62 people dead in 2025. Hiring an outside firm creates several problems:
The transit of military equipment destined for Africa Corps via Lomé and northern Togo exposes convoys and infrastructure to attacks, as JNIM has already targeted convoys in the region. The infiltration of foreign paramilitaries could also serve as an ideological pretext for armed groups.

In neighboring countries, the deployment of Africa Corps and, previously, Wagner has been accompanied by documented reports of abuses, including summary executions, arbitrary arrests, looting, and violence against civilians suspected of having ties to insurgents.

The lack of a public legal status and clear rules of engagement in Togo raises concerns about the risk of impunity in an area already under a state of emergency.

Opaque financial and land costs: who pays, and who really benefits?
Beyond security and sovereignty issues, the economic burden of these deployments is significant, as has been observed in other African countries.
In the Central African Republic, the estimated operational costs of Africa Corps exceed 15 million Euros per month, while the contribution from the Central African Treasury remains significantly lower; payment is often made through access to resources such as gold and diamonds, or in foreign currency. In Mali, the presence of Wagner and, later, Africa Corps is estimated to have cost the government more than $900 million, leading to a significant increase in public debt.

In Togo, no public details of the contract have been released. The question remains open: will payment be made directly from sovereign wealth funds, or in the form of natural resources, port infrastructure, or construction contracts?
The trench and base construction projects, for instance, were awarded to the construction company Ebomaf without any visible public bidding process. Military land acquisitions and exclusion zones amounting to several dozen hectares of farmland also affect rural communities, with only partial compensation and limited avenues for redress under a state of emergency.

Seeking foreign support in the face of a real terrorist threat is a legitimate operational option. However, entrusting aspects of national security to foreign entities specifically Turkish and Russian ones raises sovereignty issues for Togo. These foreign forces expose the population to significant security and financial risks, given that they can act outside any parliamentary framework.

Mustapha Bature Sallama.
Medical/ Science Communicator,
Private Investigator, Criminal investigation and Intelligence Analysis.
International Conflict Management and Peace Building.USIP
[email protected]
+233-555-275-880

References
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