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Wed, 02 Jul 2025 Feature Article

WHY ALAN LOST – A Thorough Post-mortem by Abilolo!

WHY ALAN LOST – A Thorough Post-mortem by Abilolo!

In the stillness that follows every great political storm, there comes a time for sober reflection and that is exactly what I have been doing for months now since the last general elections. We gave it our very best shot and have a lot to be proud of! For someone who served various pivotal roles in the Movement for Change, that vibrant force to advance the distinguished person, vision and plans of the honorable Alan Kyerematen; one time technical advisor on field operations, coordinator for Agenda Setting and Rapid Response, Frontline Communicator, Monitoring and Evaluation Coordinator and contributor in several key activities, I believe now is the right moment to speak candidly, not to accuse, but to illuminate and document where we got it wrong or I could say, where we could have done better. I believe Ghana deserves to know why a man with such exceptional vision and impeccable profile, failed to clinch the opportunity to be President in the 2024 elections, at this pivotal moment in Ghana's history.

Let me begin by stating this clearly: I still believe in the cause of Alan Kyerematen! None comes close in form and weight in our current political dispensation. I believe in the Great Transformational Plan as the ultimate answer to our peculiar development puzzle we do not seem to unravel as yet. I believe in the ethos of servant leadership that Alan embodies. But I must admit, belief alone is never enough to win a national campaign. The masses must buy into this belief for victory to be realized, and it takes concerted efforts and a great deal of resources! Execution, alignment, and consistency are what drive victory. And on many of those fronts, we faltered. Let's get down to business and explore some key reasons I believe caused us to perform poorly in the elections.

1. The Neglect of Youth-led Innovation

One of the most critical missteps was the marginalization of youthful energy and ideas. It felt like there was this team of older advisors with the final power to validate plans, so opposed to Alan's vision for a youth led Movement. In their struggle to stay relevant with the introduction of a young and fresher force, they would stop at nothing to find faults and when they did, amplified it to make nonsense of day and night toils of these young people done even voluntarily. Time and again, young people brought forth bold, brilliant campaign strategies rooted in the digital and sometimes unconventional realities of this generation. Yet, instead of integration, these ideas were sidelined, dismissed as distractions or misaligned with some "main plan." When strategies needed financing, young people were told to “find a way.” When proposals did not perfectly mirror the pre-meditated roadmap of these old gods who would often assert how long they had been around, they were tossed out. This stifled creativity, demoralized young contributors, and left a huge vacuum in the campaign’s connection with Gen Z and millennial voters.

2. Financial Constraints and Crushed Morale

Politics requires resources, not just for optics, but for sustaining the engine that powers a movement; its people. From regional coordinators to polling agents, many functionaries operated on personal sacrifice for far too long. Promises of support often turned into silence and sometimes, disrespect from aides to Alan. Field teams struggled, not for lack of commitment, but for lack of sustenance. Without consistent logistics, passion turned to fatigue. Zeal turned to resignation. A lot of people had to devise ways like ranking assignments and meetings with recourse to their ability to fund themselves or receive some campaign funds you could not be certain of. We lost die hard young people like Adenta Kumi, Fred Opoku, etc PARTLY because they just could not take it any longer. In the end, the Movement lost not because our ideas were weak, but because the mission became too heavy to carry without fuel.

3. Disorganization and “Kokofu Ball” Politics

Internally, our campaign suffered from a culture of favoritism; what some mockingly call "kokofu ball." Capable hands were overlooked in favor of loyalists and friends to the secretariat. Here is the thing, those entrusted to manage itinerary of the candidate and disbursement of resources (the secretariat) saw the void in the absence of a campaign manager and hence, arrogated so much power to themselves to do almost whatsoever they set out to do. In the scheme of things, you would have to be in the good books of this sect, to have your way. Talent was often traded for proximity. Teams were frequently reshuffled, assignments changed mid-course, and many competent operatives got sidelined and left in the dark or replaced with less experienced loyalists yielding without question, to either the old team or the secretariat. What was quite clear is, the old team was always aligned to the secretariat. They scratched each other's back as we would casually say in local Ghanaian parlance to describe a typical symbiotic relationship. This created friction, disrupted momentum, and fueled needless rivalry.

4. Abuse of the “Need to Know” Rule

To manage information flow, Alan instituted a “need to know” structure; a sound principle for protecting strategy and alignment. However, this was hijacked. Rather than enhancing discipline, it was weaponized to exclude key actors. Crucial information was withheld not for security but for control. There were countless instances in the campaign cycle where key persons the public would assume could answer for upcoming events, would only see updates on Alan's social media pages like all other regular persons in the populace. Those who could deliver results were often left out of key decisions. The secretariat would pick and choose who shows up at events even against instituted teams any would naturally require answers from. Adhoc teams were set up to manage resources for most big events leaving out teams with core mandate to execute and oversee such events. There were the big spenders who only surfaced when there was a big budget to work with. An order that disincentivized those working and sustaining the campaign as volunteers. As a result, duplication of efforts, poor coordination, and frustration became daily realities. This particular reason should serve a great preamble for the next;

5. Overinvestment in Optics over Substance

Thanks to the big spenders! We spent millions pulling crowds. Beautiful events, impressive turnouts. But we failed to convert those crowds into a lasting grassroots army. The volunteer registration, onboarding and follow-up exercise that caused the big-bang effect for the movement, was discontinued chiefly because of crude internal sabotage from the big spenders who had no penetration points in the airtight plan and transparent budgets, to blow so much. Hence, instead of building structures across constituencies and strengthening local networks, we over-relied on events for visibility. When the time came for ground operation; recruiting and deploying polling agents, we were disorganized, late, and under-resourced. Many agents did not even receive their allowances on time. In some places, their absence allowed for vote tampering, and that cost us dearly. There were instances where key operatives of the movement voted, but the results came out zero; due to the absence of our polling agents. A situation that was recorded nationwide.

6. External Sabotage and Media Blackout

We cannot ignore the external sabotage from both the NPP and NDC who saw Alan as the greatest threat to their entrenched duopoly. False propaganda like claims that Alan was being financed by the NDC took root, especially in Akan regions. One of their very potent schemes! Media houses were allegedly paid to downplay our activities, reducing Alan’s visibility. Even polling agent accreditations were delayed and frustrated by shadowy interests. These were not mere inconveniences, they were coordinated acts of suppression.

So, What Must Be Done?
We are not defeated; only redirected. If this Movement is to rise again, we must take our lessons seriously and rebuild with integrity, inclusion, and insight.

The following recommendations I make, could serve 5 pillars for a revived campaign:

1. Invest in committed youth and their ideas – With or without external support, we must sustain the core team. Ideas cannot walk without legs.

2. Customer-facing campaigns – Speak directly to Ghanaians in language they understand, across platforms they use.

3. Decentralized resource allocation – Regional teams must be trusted and equipped to act autonomously within a central strategy.

4. Institutionalize Monitoring & Evaluation – Data must drive our decisions. And those who underperform must be sanctioned; regardless of who they are.

5. Check the Secretariat’s monopoly – No one group should control every lever of the campaign. Power must be shared across a strategic council to prevent internal dictatorship.

Let me reiterate the fact that despite all that has gone wrong, Alan Kyerematen remains the most formidable candidate for Ghana’s transformation. His Great Transformational Plan is unmatched in clarity, inclusiveness, and economic promise. He offers: Visionary industrialization policies tailored to every region, A people-first approach to leadership grounded in integrity, Freedom from entrenched party capture; he is not owned by any political cartel, A refreshing alternative to NDC-NPP recycling, Credibility on the international front, with decades of experience in trade, diplomacy, and economic strategy.

Alan represents hope! not the hope of empty promises! but of tested competence and calm, courageous leadership.

The movement is not over. It is only being refined. And when next we rise, it will be with renewed wisdom, strategy, and the unshakable belief that Ghana deserves better.

#AlanDeservesAnotherChance
#HopeIsStillAlive
#GreatTransformationalPlan
#UnitedForGhana #UnitedMovement

Michael Sarfo Kantanka
Michael Sarfo Kantanka, © 2025

This Author has published 51 articles on modernghana.comColumn: Michael Sarfo Kantanka

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