Democracy and its ‘majority problem’ promote tribal and racial divisions

What is not said is that the MK Party targeted the beast's core: Gauteng (GP) and KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) account for almost 50% of voters. While poll stats and political analysis don't expose this dynamic, the ANC, MK, and EFF are aware of it. One individual notes that the MK Party’s approach “is not a strategic move. The party was founded on tribal pillars, so it makes sense that it would be bigger where amaZulu [people] are in numbers.”

Accounting for close to fifty per cent of voters, Gauteng (23.6%) and KZN (20.7%) are predominantly made up of certain people (Zulu speakers, not necessarily ethnic Zulu) who make up a considerable majority in South Africa. Western-style politics, upon which our political system is modelled, is about the majority, no less or more. Everybody knows this: the political battleground is heavily contested in populous centres like Gauteng and KZN as well as in big urban centres like Cape Town (63.3%), Mangaung (29.46%) and Gqeberha (17.49%).

Accounting for close to fifty per cent of voters, Gauteng (23.6%) and KZN (20.7%) are predominantly made up of certain people (Zulu speakers, not necessarily ethnic Zulu) who form a significant majority in South Africa. Adding a Nguni dynamic to the equation means that the majority in elections is a truly tribal affair. Democracy means ‘the will of the people’ who are a majority.

When considering the tribal angle, this often means the will of a particular, large group. The mainly black political parties like the ANC, EFF, MK, IFP and IFP have been primarily concerned with the tribal majority in the eastern provinces, from Eastern Cape to Limpopo. The FF Plus and the DA prioritised the Western Cape and large urban areas where their primary constituencies (almost exclusively white) are found. Gayton McKenzie anchors his party’s strategy on the Coloured vote.

• Democracy’s majority (a triumph of the tribe and race) and outside interests

No party has prioritised a combined four million (14.4 per cent) voters in the Northern Cape, North West, or even Free State. That is the reality of our ‘demon-crazy’ enabled by the rise of dark money in politics. While tribalism is a problem, it is not an antithesis of the central issue in Western-style democracy, whose lifeline lies in numbers. For example, the IFP has derived its raison d’être from Zulu nationalism and the UDM from the Xhosa-speaking peoples of the former Transkei, where Bantu Holomisa once ruled.

Western-style democracy, characterised by liberal democratic principles, is prevalent in many Western countries. It emphasises individual rights, the rule of law, free and fair elections and the separation of powers. However, it grapples with a significant issue known as the ‘majority problem’. This problem stems from the potential ‘tyranny of the majority’, where the dominant group may use its electoral power to marginalise or oppress others, undermining the core values of fairness and equality. That explains why Zamani Saul will always do a ‘scome-around’ alone in Northern Cape.

One scholar poses a crucial question: Can a system be genuinely democratic when the majority of citizens are uninformed? Arguably, democracy may not be the ideal form of governance. People are inherently biased, easily swayed by media, and often manipulated into electing charismatic charlatans who prioritise personal gain over the needs of their constituents. Beneath the euphoria of an election, the harsh reality of democracy usually emerges as a cycle of ‘elect and regret’. The same majority who empowers a party may quickly find themselves lamenting their decision.

Douglas Adams eloquently says, “It is a well-known fact that those people who most want to rule people are, ipso facto, those least suited to do it... anyone who is capable of getting themselves made President should on no account be allowed to do the job.” This suggests that democracy can become a system where fools are manipulated by the media to vote for the editors’ preferred candidate.

In Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, John Perkins disturbingly claims that we, the masses, have no absolute control over who controls the governments and nations of the world. The owners of international banks control most governments. South Africa, as an example, has been accumulating debt, making it susceptible to the influence of these powerful entities. This debt leverage allows them to sway political decisions and gain access to the country’s valuable resources. The powerful ‘demonic forces’ maintain control over a global empire through their influence on media, weapons, construction, engineering and a network of well-paid operatives.

Attempting to reflect the majority’s wishes through our electoral system is futile. As a result, we operate under “the illusion of majority rule”. Despite being a little-known fact, over two centuries ago, the prominent French philosopher of the Enlightenment era, Marquis de Condorcet, revealed a fundamental flaw in democratic voting systems: when presented with more options, it is possible to lack a clear majority preference. Fifty per cent is way too little to achieve optimal representation, and the reason for this is that the tribe or race crowds out the interests of others, making democracy a fallacy.

Specifically, neither the ANC nor the DA would thrive without the underlying influence of racial or tribal dynamics, despite their claims of being ‘multi-racial’ or ‘broad-church’. Protecting a specific race or tribe is deeply ingrained in our national politics. This means that parties like the IFP, UDM MK Party and even the FF Plus are unfairly criticised for something that is not their creation but is instead an inherent aspect of our body politic: democracy is a game of numbers and specific numbers at that. It does not matter where and how these numbers are garnered.

• The ‘majority problem’ and enduring tribal squabbles in Western democracies

While Europe is often lauded for regional integration, the ‘majority problem’ remains the core of its challenges. At the regional level, Austria does not seem to fully align with most EU states on issues like migration and sexual rights. But even more pressing are the internal tribal squabbles in countries such as Spain and Belgium. The Catalonian problem is inherent to the Spanish national identity and promises not to disappear anytime soon.

Europe suppressed Catalonian independence fears of similar movements elsewhere, yet Belgium’s tribal issues persist. As European elections near, far-right Vlaams Belang leads in Flanders with 27.4% support due to its nationalist (tribalist) and anti-immigration stances. However, it struggles in Wallonia and Brussels due to socio-economic issues and political barriers. Vlaams Belang’s rise in Belgium mirrors a broader European trend of growing tribal-motivated far-right influence.

In many Western democracies, majoritarian electoral systems (such as First-Past-The-Post) can exacerbate the majority problem. These systems tend to favour larger political parties and can result in a lack of representation for smaller parties and minority groups. Alternative electoral systems, such as proportional representation, aim to accurately reflect the electorate’s diversity.

Several authors argue that one key strategy in addressing the ‘majority problem’ is promoting pluralism and inclusivity. This involves recognising and accommodating diverse views, cultures and interests within society, thereby ensuring broader representation in decision-making processes for more equitable outcomes. However, achieving true pluralism is an ongoing endeavour, requiring continuous efforts and reforms. Belgium is a case in point that proves that the (tribal, race) majority problem is ingrained in many Western democracies.

The ‘majority problem’ issue is further complicated by the prevalence of majoritarian electoral systems like First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) in many Western democracies. These systems often favour larger parties, leading to the underrepresentation of smaller parties and minority groups. Alternative systems like proportional representation (PR), as in South Africa and Germany, aim to better reflect the electorate's diversity. However, FPTP and PR systems still rely on numbers for their credibility, and no one cares how those numbers are attained, potentially opening the door for manipulation or unfair practices using tribal and racial elements.

Western-style democracy prides itself on maintaining a delicate balance between majority rule and minority rights protection. This equilibrium, it is argued, necessitates strong institutions, active civil society and vigilant citizens to uphold democratic values. Additionally, governments must be responsive and accountable to all citizens, not just the majority. Recent trends of rising populism and political polarisation in Western democracies: populist parties only cater to the majority’s concerns at the expense of others, exacerbating societal divisions and straining democratic institutions.

• Is there a viable alternative to democracy?

While democracy is theoretically appealing, its practical implementation often falls short due to its inherent flaws. Democracy creates an illusion of power for the people, but in reality, it may not be as influential as it seems. Mark Twain’s quote is handy here: “If voting made a difference, they wouldn’t let us do it”. So, is there a viable alternative to democracy that addresses these shortcomings?

Author of Chinese Civilisation in the Age of Globalisation, Annie Ruth Harrison, proposes that a meritocracy-based system, similar to the one in China and Singapore, could be a solution. In such a system, political leaders would be selected based on their proven competence and ability to govern rather than their popularity or financial resources. This could potentially address the abovementioned issues and lead to more effective governance in South Africa.

Alternatively, while traditional governance systems have been significantly impacted by colonialism and modernisation, many of their principles and practices could be useful, relevant and valuable today. African governance systems were characterised by consensus-based decision-making, respect for elders and hierarchy, accountability mechanisms, community participation, and flexibility. More effort is needed to revitalise and integrate them into our governance structures, aiming to create more inclusive, responsive and effective governance systems rooted in local values and cultures.

The media cordon sanitaire of other political parties further limits the deepening of the voices of other groups. The DA is correct to take eNCA to the Electoral Court for promoting one candidate for his exclusive political gain. The MK Party has also questioned SABC, Newzroom Africa and eNCA for marginalising its campaign.

For the past thirty years, South Africa has also experienced a strange situation in which a numerical minority has dominated a numerical majority. Tomorrow’s elections will essentially serve as an hourglass into the future. Failure to address this issue renders the entire voting process and democracy itself questionable.

Si ya yibanga le economy!