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Sun, 12 Jan 2025 Feature Article

How China is Shaping Africa’s Political Landscape

  12 Jan 2025
How China is Shaping Africa’s Political Landscape

In 2022, China inaugurated its first political training institution in Tanzania, the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Leadership School. As China invested approximately $40 million, it had a clear and strategic objective in pursuing the political leaders training. The institution serves as a mechanism through which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) seeks to shape the political leadership of Africa in alignment with Chinese governance principles.

It is not unexpected, therefore, that the school’s first cohort consisted of 120 official members drawn from nations with longstanding historical ties to China. These nations are governed by liberation parties that emerged from pre-independence struggles. These include South Africa, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Tanzania. Furthermore, these six countries, along with Botswana, form part of the Former Liberation Movements of Southern Africa, an informal coalition to address governance challenges and maintain political control.

This initiative by China is a deliberate attempt to strengthen its ties and extend its influence over policymakers in these countries. The establishment of the school serves as an additional platform for the leaders of these ruling liberation parties to refine their governance skills through shared educational resources. This initiative is emblematic of China’s broader strategy to shape Africa’s political trajectory by promoting a governance model centred on the primacy of the ruling party and its control over the state apparatus.

The Dynamics of Influence
Countries assert influence through various strategies, including mediation and fostering dialogue, to facilitate positive interactions, thereby enhancing their global image. Historically, the United States has been a dominant international mediator. However, China increasingly assumes a more prominent role in this regard, as evidenced by its involvement in mediating conflicts such as the Saudi Arabia-Iran and Niger-Benin disputes.

In its pursuit of an alternative global order—one often complementary to, and at times contrasts with, the Western-dominated system—China recognizes the importance of securing Africa’s support within multilateral forums. Africa, comprising 55 countries, represents a significant player in global affairs. Accordingly, Beijing is intensifying its efforts to cultivate strong relations with Africa as part of its broader strategy to shift the global balance of power in its favour.

China’s engagement in African politics is not a recent development. Beijing has historically supported African independence movements, military endeavours, and governance structures. Additionally, it has contributed to African economic growth through investments in infrastructure and industrial projects. This historical partnership continues evolving as China increasingly focuses on reinforcing its relationships with the ruling parties of Africa.

‘Study tours’ have long been critical to China’s public diplomacy with Africa. Hundreds of African officials annually participate in these ‘study tours,’ which involve academic lectures, visits to provincial governments, and cultural exchanges designed to familiarize them with Chinese traditions and governance practices.

China’s strategy to influence African political elites has only recently expanded to include establishing political training schools. During the 8th Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in 2021, China acknowledged its engagement with over 100 political parties across 51 African countries.

China’s growing influence in Africa is evident in the creation of new educational institutions and the deepening of its political relationships. For instance, Kenya has expressed interest in establishing a leadership school modelled after the CCP’s Central Party School, with financing from China. Investments in infrastructure further support these initiatives; China financed the construction of Kenya’s new foreign ministry headquarters, coinciding with the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two countries.

Moreover, China is establishing new institutions and refurbishing existing ones. For example, it funded the renovation of the Herbert Chitepo School of Ideology in Zimbabwe. These initiatives aim to entrench a governance model akin to China’s, characterized by a strong, centralized party system that ensures stability and control. This strategy underscores the efficacy of fostering reciprocal relationships, particularly in countries where political stability and centralization are highly valued.

Chinese Diplomacy in Africa
China’s approach to Africa is grounded in decades of patience and strategic diplomacy. While the Nyerere Leadership School represents a significant milestone, it constitutes only one element of China’s broader strategy to embed itself deeply within Africa’s political landscape. China’s long-term objective is to promote a Sino-centric global order that is pivotal in shaping global governance structures.

However, China is also acutely aware of the potential for political transitions in African countries. Recognizing the importance of engaging with opposition parties to safeguard its interests during regime changes, China has adopted a strategy of establishing political schools and cultivating relationships with both ruling and opposition parties. This approach ensures that China’s influence remains resilient regardless of political shifts.

China’s long-term engagement in Africa transcends economic influence or military presence. It also encompasses mastering the subtleties of diplomacy and influence. Through its strategic investments in Africa’s political future, China is securing its role as a key actor in shaping the continent’s governance structures for the foreseeable future.



[1] Samir Bhattacharya is Associate Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation

Samir Bhattacharya
Samir Bhattacharya, © 2025

Dr Samir Bhattacharya is an Associate Fellow at Observer Research Foundation, IndiaColumn: Samir Bhattacharya

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