The History And Facts Of The Nankana/frafra Culture

01.10.2022 LISTEN

There are things that we practice in our culture that are not in any other way related to religion, but some of the people in this current generation are failing to appreciate them as cultural practices, but they rather see them as things that are practiced by the traditional religion and therefore see no need to involve themselves whenever those activities are undertaken.

The reason is that some people are not able to clearly understand the modes of worship by the Christian religion and the modes of worship by the traditional religion, and therefore, they are always quick to judge some of the cultural practices as part of the traditional religion.

I saw the need to interview some elderly people and people who understand much of our culture so that I could document it for our generation and the generations yet to be born to understand and also appreciate our cultural practices.

There is a need for us to understand the mode of worship of the Christian religion and also the mode of worship of the traditional religion for us to understand things that are practiced in the culture of the people.

MODE OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP TO GOD

They sing songs of praise to God.
They offer prayers to God.
They also read the scriptures, etc.

T RADITIONALISTS’ MODE OF WORSHIP TO GOD.

They pray to God by reciting incantations, pouring libation (which is done by putting water into flour), and pouring it on top of the gods.
They also perform sacrifices (which are done by the killing or slaughtering of animals) and sprinkling the blood of the killed/slaughtered animals on top of the gods.

D IFFERENCE BETWEEN RELIGION AND CULTURE.

Religion specifically has to do with faith, while culture has to do with the beliefs and customs of the people (how they carry out their activities), their dresses, etc.

Considering the difference between religion and culture as explained above, one can deduce that religion cannot be practiced without the mode of worship. Anytime the people are carrying out any activity which does not include the pouring of libation and the sacrificing of animals, then those activities are not practiced as their traditional religion but regarded as their culture. Though there are instances where they practice both the religion and the culture at the same time, a Christian who understands culture can always take part in the cultural aspect and withdraw when the practice of the traditional religion is to be involved as it is against his or her faith.

There are many cultural practices in our society, but I would like to talk about three.

Poka dire (Marriage)

Ku’ore nyo’a (Final funeral rite), and

Di’a (War dance).

POKA DIRE (MARRIAGE)

Some of the activities that are undertaken during the marriage process are purely based on the culture of the people.

In the olden days, parents used to organize arranged marriages for their children. A brother could also travel and return with a woman and give her to his brother to marry as his wife. Also, a woman could bring her younger sister to add to her husband as a second wife. Moreover, in those days, forced marriages were also common.

This is not the case in this era. The children (men and women) themselves have the opportunity to search for their life partners.

When a man meets a woman and develops an interest in her, he would propose to her, and when an agreement is reached between both of them for marriage, she would then give him the go-ahead to visit her parents and make his intention known to them.

The first time the man’s family visits the woman’s parents’ house (it is known as limisiko in the local dialect), which is simply the same as the knocking ceremony. It is just to go and express their interest in their daughter and to also find out from the parents if the woman is free to get married (that is if she is not someone’s wife). They go with only cola nuts and tobacco.

If permission is granted by her parents, the man’s family would then begin to always go to visit their would-be in-laws with guinea fowls, cola nuts, tobacco, and alcohol. However, alcohol is optional. The number of times they would visit the woman’s family before her parents would allow their daughter to follow them home (married) depends on the community and the family she comes from.

The woman’s family always has a way of communicating with their would-be in-laws to make them keep coming back to visit them. Anytime the would-be husband’s family goes, the woman’s parents would always say that the landlord of the house is not around, and in our culture, the house people can never take a key decision without the knowledge of the landlord. They believe that the landlord is the father of all the people in the house, and therefore, he always has the final say.

After the man’s family has been to the woman’s family several times and her parents are pleased, they permit them to meet the landlord of the house so that he would then, tell them the necessary marital rites they have to perform, and when the landlord is done informing them, the woman’s family allows their daughter to follow them home. In some communities, the woman’s family would even send her to her husband’s house, and this is known as Si’a. But in other places, the parents always grant permission for their daughter to follow them indirectly and pretend not to know about it.

In some communities, especially Naaga, when they arrive with her, a woman would usually ululate (chinchelinga) to officially announce the new marriage in the community. The communities that practice the ululation (chinchelinga) would never appreciate a new marriage in their community without people hearing the ululation (chinchelinga) announcing it.

Currently, in most marriages, the woman joins the man’s family before they begin to go to her family to finalize the marriage process.

Note: The things the man’s family always carries whenever they visit their potential in-laws during the marital process can not be recovered if, along the line, the marriage fails to happen.

POKA DIRE YELEMAALIKO (MARITAL RITES).

Poka Solika (Dowry): This is the payment of the bride’s price, and it varies from place to place or community. They use cows and sheep as a mode of payment.
Nu’o gwe’a: This is the most significant rite that must be performed to seal the marriage, without this rite, the marriage is not legitimate. It is done by sending a red cock (Nu’o Nu’a) by the man’s family to the woman’s family). In some communities, it is believed that when the Nu’o gwe’a is done, and the woman happens to cheat on her husband and comes back to her husband’s family house, she has to confess (bunsi porika), otherwise, she may die. But in some communities, it affects the husband and the children if she does not confess (bunsi porika).
Ko’om ka’are (libation and sacrifice): This is a purely traditional religious practice. The man’s family is told to bring fowls or animals for sacrifice. It usually depends on the family. The significance of this is to ask for protection for their daughter as she leaves the family to join her new family. It is also to inform their gods and the ancestors that their daughter is getting married.
Nyuusiko: This is mostly carried out when the woman happens to be the first daughter of her mother. It is performed to enable the mother of the woman to be able to receive anything or a gift from her in-law. In some communities, it is believed that if this activity is not carried out, the mother of the woman can never eat or drink water from her daughter’s husband’s house. There is the belief that it is usually difficult for a mother to easily get separated from the first daughter, so when the daughter gets married, the mother usually wants to visit the daughter frequently, which does not usually help the daughter to settle down well in her new home as she still has memories of her parents’ house. So, the event was introduced and implemented to discourage the mother of the newly married woman from always visiting her daughter, because, anytime she visits her daughter, she cannot eat or drink water from the house. But this is not the case for the people of Naaga. When the first daughter gets married, without the husband’s performing the nyuusiko, it is not taboo for the mother-in-law to eat or drink water from her in-law’s house. The people of Naaga rather believe that, when the woman does not insist for her husband to perform it for her mother, it means in the future, when the daughter also happens to give birth to her first female child, and that child also grows up and gets married, the same treatment will be meted out to her.
Poka beesiko or Zoo’a (Feast): This is where the brothers of the woman usually go to their sister’s husband’s house for the man to kill some animals and fowls for them to eat and carry some home. Two (2) animals, including three (3) fowls are always presented to them.

The types of animals that are killed or slaughtered vary from community to community. In some places, they can slaughter a goat, a dog or a pig, and three (3) fowls for them, but in some places, they take a goat and a sheep, including three (3) fowls, but the animals should vary in sex.

It is seen as a socialization activity by both families. This is carried out by only the brothers-in-law. However, there are two (2) exceptions:

If the woman is the last born of the mother, it is the women from her father’s clan who go to perform it. That is in some communities or places.

If the in-laws keep postponing the performance of the beesiko activity, then women will be allowed to go and perform it. It is believed that when the women go, the in-laws have no option but to perform the activity for them to go back home.

UNDER WHAT CIRCUMSTANCE CAN A MAN DIVORCE HIS WIFE (POKA LEBISIKO)

When there is evidence to prove that the woman is a witch.
When the woman is caught pouring libation or sacrifices in her husband’s house.
When the woman uses a stirring stick (vugure) to knock a man in her husband’s house.
When she commits attempted murder.
When there is evidence to prove that the woman is a thief and can never stop the act.
Unfaithfulness (When she has been advised several times and yet she does not stop). etc.

TEMPORAL SEPARATION OF THE COUPLE

Apart from divorce, there are instances where separation of the couple is allowed. When the couple has a serious problem and their tempers are so high to the extent that they can harm each other, the woman may be advised to go back to her family. This is to allow their tempers to calm down. When she goes back to the family, the husband’s family will make a follow-up to find out if she arrived safely. The cause of the problem will then be discussed by both families and, if possible, reconciliation. Sometimes, the woman can stay with her family for up to a year or two (2) years before the reconciliation. During that period, the woman remains the man’s wife.

HOW IS DIVORCE CARRIED OUT?

If the family of the man is seeking a divorce, they send her back to her parent’s house along with a calabash, but when it is the woman’s family that is seeking the divorce, the cock (Nu’o Nu’a) is returned to the man’s house.

HOW FINAL FUNERAL RITES ARE PERFORMED IN SOME COMMUNITIES IN THE NANKANA AREA (KU’ORE NYO’A).

Among the Nankanis, especially the people of Naaga, the final funeral rites are performed according to the sex and also the title of the person (man) in the community or family. Generally, the final funeral rites last for four (4) days. But if the man is a Tindaana (Fetish priest of the community) or Yidaana (landlord), the funeral may last more than the normal four (4) days.

FINAL FUNERAL RITES OF A MAN.

Important items that are needed to perform a man’s funeral rites.

Foodstuffs {che’a (germinated fermented millet), ze’a (late millet), suma (Bambara beans), beans, etc}.
Fowls
guinea fowl or goat for the preparation of the dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi). If the deceased is old, a goat (optional) can be used for the preparation of the dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi), but when the deceased is young, they use a guinea fowl for the preparation of the dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi).
Ta’afo (bow), pe’ema (arrows), and loko.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY ONE

The funeral rites begin with ku’ore yoma (dirges). The time they usually begin depends on the age of the person. If the person is a young man, they recite the ku’ore yoma (dirges) in the morning, and they recite it once and continue with the necessary final funeral rites. But when the person is old, the ku’ore yoma (dirges) is recited at midnight. When they are done with the ku’ore yoma (dirges), people begin to yell in the house.

Immediately after the ku’ore yoma (dirges), a ta’afo (bow) is brought and placed outside the house, so any stranger who comes around from the neighbouring communities and sees the ta’afo (bow) knows that the deceased is a man. The rest of the activities are characterized with drumming and dancing.

They recite the ku’ore yoma (dirges) three (3) times continuously before the day breaks, but at different time intervals. Some people have the perception that men’s funerals usually last only three (3) days, but when you count thoroughly, you will realize that it is the same as women's, which is four (4) days. Let’s critically count the days; Da’am koka dabisire (1^st day), Bi’esiko dabisire (2^ndday), Kungonno or boguro dabisire (3^rd day), and finally Loko Chi’a dabisire or Ku’ore yesika dabisire (4^th day). The days are four (4). Meanwhile, the Ze’ideko or wure dabisire (day) is considered the same day as the da’am koka dabisire (day) because the recitations of the ku’ore yoma (dirges) usually begin at midnight.

When the person is old, after the recitations of ku’ore yoma (dirges) and the day breaks, the family brings the che’a (germinated fermented millet), ze’a (late millet) and a fowl to be presented to the chobiisi (elders) sitting outside (zanyure). The che’a (germinated fermented millet) is what they use to brew the danmolika (pito, also known as local beer). When the chobiisi (elders) receive the che’a, they recite the ku’ore yoma (dirges). After the recitations of the ku’ore yoma (dirges), one of them holds the fowl and walks as if he is entering the house, and then quickly hits it hard on the floor for it to die. That is what they call Nanma dii’a (The practice of Nanma dii’a is purely a traditional religion). When they finish doing that, they present the che’a (germinated fermented millet) to the women to use and brew the danmolika (pito), which is what they call da’am Koka (they grind the millet, mix it with water, and add the bark of the okra plant, place it on top of the fire, and stir until it becomes slippery). The chobiisi (elders) tell the women to keep the ze’a (late millet) for the third day of the final funeral rites, which would be used for the dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi).

Note: It is not everybody who is qualified to eat the meat that is usually used for the Nanma dii’a. It is only the senior ‘undertakers’ (Bayaakorisi) who are much more spiritually strong that can eat the meat. After the killing of the fowl, they send it to a house that has Bayaasi duko (that house is assumed to be spiritually powerful) for the meat to be prepared there, and all those undertakers who think they are qualified go to that house to eat.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY TWO

The women continue the danmolika (pito) brewing process (the mixture of the ground millet with water and the bark of the okra plant which they prepared the previous night always becomes cool and fermented), so they sieve it and put it on fire for it to boil until it is ready for consumption.

On this day, there is something they call malimma. A woman (pogyabilika) who is from that clan and got married to a different place usually used a tinny rope (the local one) and put it on all the children and direct relatives of the deceased (that is what they call doringo). The women wear it on their neck to the waist, and the men wear it on their wrist to the forefinger. It is usually only the last born of the deceased who usually wears gbeklika (a small bell). They do that for people or strangers to be able to easily identify the deceased children and also his direct relatives.

Also, on this day, all the nieces of the deceased who are married and their husbands are required by the culture to come and greet the chobiisi (elders). The chobiisi (elders) then tell them the role they would play as in-laws to the deceased. Every in-law would prepare sagbo (tuo zaafi) and add a goat, but in some circumstances, the in-law is allowed to bring a hoe in the absence of a goat to the funeral house. They do that on the third day of the funeral.

Moreover, on this day, the widow of the deceased is asked to go to her parents' (her father’s) house to take a rest. The following day, which happens to be the third day of her husband’s final funeral rites, in the morning, she goes round from house to house in her parent’s (her father’s) clan in the community to beg for foodstuffs. There is the belief that it is a sign to the widow that, as her late husband, who was the breadwinner of the family, is no more, she has to work extra hard to feed her children, and it is also a sign to her parents' clan that her husband is no more alive and she is not getting life easy. Therefore, they should not forget about her when there is any help they can offer. After she has gathered the foodstuffs through begging, she sends the foodstuffs back to her husband’s house in the afternoon.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY THREE

This is the busiest and most important day of the final funeral rites ceremony. It is on this day that they call it "Kunguno dabisire" or "Boguro dabisire." A lot of visitors come round to mourn with the family on this day.

Early in the morning on this day, the chobiisi (elders) usually send a young man to go to the bush and look for a dried shea nut tree, cut a small branch, and create a hole in it (that is what they call Loko). The hole should be able to contain three (3) pe’ema (arrows). He brings it and presents it to the chobiisi (elders). When they collect it, they put the pe’ema (arrows) inside it and add them to the ta'afo (bow). When it is getting to the evening, they send them inside to hide until the next morning, when they bring them out to perform the last funeral rite (which is loko chi’a).

The deceased family presents a goat (optional) or guinea fowl to the chobiisi (elders) on that same morning, so that they would add it to the ze’a (late millet) which was presented earlier on the first day of the final funeral rites to the chobiisi (elders) to use and prepare food, specifically sagbo (tuo zaafi’) for the afternoon. That is what they call dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi). The animal to be presented to the chobiisi (elders) depends on the age of the deceased. If the deceased is old, they give a goat (optional) or guinea fowl, but if the deceased is young, they give a guinea fowl to be used to prepare the food. The food is usually prepared by women. When the food is ready for consumption, two (2) women usually fetch the sagbo (tuo zaafi) with a vugure (stirring stick) and also fetch the soup with a bi’a (local ladle) and go round the house with the food. As they go round the house (yire), they cut the sagbo (tuo zaafi), put it into the soup, and remove and throw it away while ululating (chinchelinga) at the same time. They go round the house three (3) consecutive times. The significance of this is that it is believed that at that moment, their ancestors and so many spirits are present, so they have to feed them first before they can also eat their food peacefully.

After the two (2) women are done with the activity, the food is shared to the chobiisi (elders) according to their clans.

When they are done eating, they ensure that all the bowls are washed before the arrival of the widow from her parents’ house. The widow usually yells when she is approaching the funeral house (deceased husband’s house).

In the event that the widows are many, they arrive according to seniority in the marriage. That means the first wife enters the house first, and it follows in that order.

In the evening, the widow would walk and come out of the house to be bathed by her colleague women. They call that bath, ko’obero su’a (which means bad luck bath).

Following that, the chobiisi (elders) invite a bakoliko (soothsayer) to come to the funeral house, so that they would find out the cause of the death.

When the bakoliko (soothsayer) is done with his work and gone, and the sun sets, the widow comes out the second time for her hair to be shaved and given a ritual bath. This ritual is accompanied with her being carried by her female relatives who are married in the same locality while funeral dirges are sung to appease the ancestors. Afterward, she is sent back inside (the second bath is perceived to be a good luck one). After they are done with the widow, they go back to continue the rest of the activities.

The in-laws to the deceased, especially those in-laws who were told to prepare the sagbo (tuo zaafi) and come along with a goat, are allowed to arrive at the funeral house with their required customary things. The in-laws enter the funeral grounds with drums and songs of sorrow. They can drum and dance throughout the night.

All nephews of the deceased who have fowls to present to their deceased uncle are also allowed. They do that through sacrifice. This is what is known as Nu’a kug-liko (purely traditional religion). At midnight, they would call the children and the relatives of the deceased and give them food (the food is known as "gure") to eat. The food is usually Bambara beans (suma), chinchira (koosi), meat, etc. It is believed that the children of the deceased eat what they refer to as the father’s gure, while the relatives of the deceased also eat what they refer to as the brother’s gure.

Note 1: It is prohibited for a person whose father is still alive to eat this food, and it is also prohibited for a person who has not lost any of his or her relatives.

Note 2: On that same day, they prepare special meals like Bambara beans (suma), chinchira (koosi), beans, tuo zaafi, rice, etc. for people around to eat.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY FOUR

This is the final day of the final funeral rites process. On this day, they perform an activity which is known as Loko chi’a. They usually use two (2) cocks to perform the activity. To perform the loko chi’a, they gather dry wood and set fire to it before bringing out the loko that they hid the previous night. They usually perform a sacrifice on the loko in the morning before it can be brought out. They use a cock for the sacrifice (that is purely a traditional religion). After the sacrifice, two (2) men would hold the loko together and walk to where the fire is, and then cut the loko into pieces and throw it into the fire. Both the men and women usually walk round the fire. The women usually carry water in calabashes while the men recite ku’ore yoma (dirges). The people continue to go round until the fire begins to cease. The landlord of the house comes out with an axe. He goes round the fire three (3) times before using the mouth of the axe on the ground and would also yell very loudly before he says some words of goodbye to the deceased spirit and in a form of prayer, asks the deceased spirit to intercede on their behalf for God to bless them with abundant rainfall for them to farm and get plenty of foodstuffs. After he is done, the men, together with the women, use the water from the calabashes to wash their faces and also use it to quench the fire.

The loko (bow and arrows) activity is undertaken because, in those days, men used the ta’afo (bow) and pe’ema (arrows) to defend themselves whenever there was a war. They believe that every man is a hunter, and in the underground world, he would need them.

On that same day, the chobiisi (elders) usually slaughter a fowl as a sacrifice at the spot where the loko activity is performed. (It is purely a traditional religion). Also, on that same day, all the children and the relatives of the deceased shave their hair sakora. The reason is that shaving one’s hair signifies that he or she has lost a loved one. They also believe that when you lose a loved one, it is considered bad luck. Therefore, shaving the hair signifies that the bad is taken away. One may opt not to shave, but in that case, there is something they call "zuo da'a" (which means the person can pay money in order not to shave his or her hair).

It is on this same day that they remove the doringo (tinny robe) from the bodies of the children and relatives of the deceased. The children offer a guinea fowl before their doringo (tinny robe) is removed, whilst the relatives can offer any amount of money they wish before the removal of their doringo (tinny robe).

Note 1: The fowls used for the loko activity's meat could only be eaten by people who have lost their fathers and for whom the funeral has been performed.

FINAL FUNERAL RITES OF YIDAANA (LANDLORD).

Important items that are needed to perform a yidaana (landlord) funeral rites.

The following items are needed for the performance of the Yidaana funeral are: Foodstuffs {che’a (germinated fermented millet), ze’a (late millet), suma (Bambara beans), beans, etc}; Fowls and guinea fowls; Animals such as goat, sheep, and a dog; Ta’afo (bow), pe’ema (arrows), and loko (arrows bag).

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY ONE

A yidaana (landlord’s) funeral rite is almost similar to every man’s funeral rites, just that a few activities are introduced only in a landlord’s funeral.

The ku’ore yoma (dirges) is recited at midnight. After they are done with the ku’ore yoma (dirges), people begin to yell in the house.

Immediately after that, a ta’afo (bow) is brought and placed outside the house, so any stranger who comes around from the neighbouring communities and sees the ta’afo (bow) knows that the deceased is a man. The rest of the activities are characterized with drumming and dancing.

They recite the ku’ore yoma (dirges) three (3) times continuously before the day breaks, but with different time intervals. After the recitation of dirges and the day breaks, the family brings the che’a (germinated fermented millet), ze’a (late millet), sheep, and a fowl to be presented to the chobiisi (elders) sitting outside (zanyure). The che’a (germinated fermented millet) is what they use to brew the danmolika (pito, also known as local beer). When the chobiisi (elders) receive the che’a, they recite the ku’ore yoma (dirges). After the recitations of the ku’ore yoma (dirges), one of them holds the fowl and walks as if he is entering inside the house, and then quickly hits it hard on the floor for it to die, and he does the same thing with the sheep "Nanma dii’a" (Purely the traditional religion). When they finish doing that, they present the che’a (germinated fermented millet) to the women to use and brew the danmolika (pito), which is what they call, da’am koka (they grind the millet, mix it with water, and add the bark of the okra plant, placing it on top of the fire and stirring until it becomes slippery). The chobiisi (elders) tell the women to keep the ze’a (late millet) for the third day of the final funeral rites, which would be used for the dacheror sagbo (tuo zaafi).

Note 1: It is not everybody who is qualified to chop the meat that they usually use for the Nama dii’a. It is only the senior ‘undertakers’ (Bayaakorisi) who are much more spiritually strong and can eat that meat. After the killing of the sheep and fowl, they send them to a house that has Bayaasi duko (that house is assumed to be spiritually powerful) for the meat to be prepared there, and all those undertakers who think they are qualified go there to eat.

Note 2: There are some landlords who, when they are performing their final funeral rites, the chobiisi (elders) declare that no activity should be undertaken except the Nanma dii’a on the first day (that is what is known as Vi’a dabisire). Some people may also decide to perform the various activities on this day and rather postpone the activities on the 4^th day (which is the loko chi’a) to the 5^th day.

IN WHAT SITUATION DOES THE VI’A DABISIRE COME IN?

When the deceased happens to have given birth to children who were twins.

It is observed for yidaana’s (landlords) who came out with their legs first during delivery from the mother’s worm (breach birth), This is what they call Atule.

Aside from the relevant points mentioned above, if the family of the deceased is not well prepared to proceed with the funeral rites immediately after the recitations of the ku’ore yoma (dirges), they can declare that day a no activity day to help them organize themselves.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY TWO

On this day, there is something they call malimma, a woman (pogyabilika)who is from that clan and got married to a different place usually used a tinny rope (the local one) to tire it on all the children and direct relatives of the deceased (that is what they call, doringo). The women wear it on their neck to the waist, and the men wear it on their wrist to the forefinger. It is usually only the last born of the deceased who usually wears gbeklika (a small bell). They do that for people or strangers to be able to easily identify the deceased children and also his direct relatives.

Also, on this day, all the nieces of the deceased who are married and their husbands are required by the culture to come and greet the chobiisi (elders). The chobiisi (elders) would then tell them the role they would play as in-laws to the deceased. Each in-law would prepare sagbo (tuo zaafi) and add a goat, but in some circumstances, the in-law is allowed to bring a hoe in the absence of a goat to the funeral house). They do that on the third day of the funeral.

Moreover, on this day, the widow of the deceased is asked to go to her parents' (her father’s) house to take a rest. The following day, which happens to be the third day of her husband’s final funeral rites, in the morning, she would go round from house to house in her parent’s (father’s) clan in the community to beg for foodstuffs. There is the belief that it is a sign to the widow that, as her late husband, who was the breadwinner of the family, is no more, she has to work extra hard to feed her children, and it is also a sign to her parents' clan that, her husband is no more alive and she is not getting life easy. Therefore, they should not forget about her when there is any help they can offer. After she has gathered the food through begging, she sends the food back to her husband’s house in the afternoon.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY THREE

This is the busiest and most important day of the funeral rite’s ceremony. On this day, they call it Kunguno dabisire or Boguro dabisire. A lot of visitors come round to mourn with the family on this day.

Early in the morning of that day, the chobiisi (elders) usually send a young man to go to the bush and look for a dried shea nut tree, cut a small branch, and create a hole in it. The hole should be able to contain three (3) pe’ema (arrows). That is what they call,loko. He brings it back and presents it to the chobiisi (elders). They also collect and add it to the ta’afo (bow). When it is getting to the evening, they send them inside to hide until the next morning, when they bring them out to perform the last funeral rite (which is loko chi’a).

On that same morning of the third day, they do something they call Va’a kaare (they always say that they are going to work for the deceased person at his farm). Farming is the major source of livelihood in the community. They assume that every man in the community is a farmer. A woman who is the first daughter of the deceased is dressed like a man and is acting like the deceased himself. They usually bring out zo’om (flour), suka’am (groundnuts), and danmolika (pito) to the zanyure, and the people always pretend that they are weeding, and after a short while, they sit and do the normal greetings, before they prepare the zo’om ko’om (flour) for people to drink the water and eat. They also drink the danmolika (pito) and chew the groundnuts before everybody disperses.

The deceased person’s family presents a goat to the chobiisi (elders) on that same morning, so that they would add it to the ze’a (late millet) which was presented earlier on the first day to the chobiisi (elders) to use and prepare food, specifically sagbo (tuo zaafi’) for the afternoon (that is what we call dachero sagbo). The food is usually prepared by women. When the food is ready for consumption, two (2) women usually fetch the sagbo (tuo zaafi) with a stirring stick and also fetch the soup with a bi’a (local ladle) and go round the house with the food. As they go round the house, they cut the sagbo (tuo zaafi), put it into the soup, and remove and throw it away while ululating (chinchelinga) at the same time. They go round the house three (3) consecutive times. The significance of this is that it is believed that at that moment, their ancestors and so many spirits are present, so they have to feed them first before they can also eat their food peacefully.

After the two (2) women are done with the activity, the food is shared to the chobiisi (elders) according to their clans.

In the event that the widows are many, they arrive according to seniority in the marriage. That means the first wife enters the house first, and it follows in that order.

On that same day, in the evening, the nephews of the deceased are allowed to display something they call ‘di’a’ (war dance).

Also, in the evening, the widow would walk and come out of the house to be bathed by her colleague women. They call that bath ko’obero su’a (which means bad luck bath).

As applicable to all deaths among the Nankana people of Ghana, the chobiisi (elders) will invite a bakoliko (Sooth Sayer) to reveal what caused the death of the landlord and what is yet to happen and prescribe remedies for future occurrence. When the bakoliko (soothsayer) is done with his work and gone, and the sun sets, the rituals involving the widow that is if the deceased left behind a widow are carried out as already explained in the foregoing paragraphs.

The in-laws to the house, especially those in-laws who were told to prepare the sagbo (tuo zaafi) and come along with a goat, are allowed to arrive at the funeral house with their things.

All nephews of the deceased who have fowls to present to their deceased uncle are also allowed. They do that through sacrifice. This is what is known as Nu’a kug-liko (Purely traditional religion).

At midnight, they call the children and the relatives of the deceased and give them food (the food is known as gure) to eat. The food is usually Bambara beans (suma), chinchira (koosi), meat, etc. It is believed that the children of the deceased eat what they refer to as the father’s gure, while the relatives of the deceased also eat what they refer to as the brother’s gure.

Note 1: It is prohibited for a person whose father is still alive to eat the gure food and it is also prohibited for a person that has not lost any of his or her relatives.

Note 3: On that same day, they prepare special meals like Bambara beans (suma), chinchira (koosi), beans, tuo zaafi, etc. for people to eat.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY FOUR

This is the final day of the final funeral rites process. On this day, they perform an activity which is known as loko chi’a. The animals that are needed when performing a yidaana’s (landlord’s) loko chi’a are different from an ordinary man’s funeral. The animals used are a goat and a dog. To perform the loko chi’a activity, they gather dry wood and set fire to it before they bring the loko that they hid the previous night. They usually perform sacrifices by killing a goat before the loko is brought out of the place it was kept. (Purely traditional religion). After the sacrifice, two (2) men would hold the loko together and walk to where the fire is, and then cut the loko into pieces and throw it into the fire. Both the men and women usually walk round the fire. The women usually carry water with calabashes while the men recite sorrowful (funeral songs). The deceased nephews display di’a (war dance) as the people continue to go round until the fire begins to cease. The would-be next in command, yidaana (landlord) of the house, comes out with an axe. He goes round the fire three (3) times before using the mouth of the axe on the ground. He would also yell very loudly before he says some words of goodbye to the deceased spirit and in a form of prayer, asks the deceased spirit to intercede on their behalf, for God to bless them with abundant rainfall for them to farm and get plenty of foodstuffs. After he is done, the men recite the last dirges, and then the men, together with the women, use the water from the calabashes to wash their faces and also use it to quench the fire.

The loko (bow and arrows) activity is undertaken because in those days men used the bow and arrows to defend themselves whenever there was a war. They believe that every man is a hunter, and will need his hunting and war tools in the spiritual world.

After this activity, people who came from different communities specifically for the ceremony are free to disperse. The chobiisi (elders) begin to say goodbye to the in-laws one after the other and wish them a safe journey back home. On that same day, the chobiisi (elders) usually slaughter a dog at the spot where the loko activity is performed.

Also, on that same day, all the children and the relatives of the deceased shave their hair sakora. The reason is that shaving one’s hair signifies that he or she has lost a loved one. They also believe that when you lose a loved one, it is considered bad luck. Therefore, shaving the hair signifies that the bad is taken away. One may opt not to shave, but in that case, there is something they call "zuo da'a" (which means the person can pay money in order not to shave his or her hair). It is on this same day that they remove the doringo (tinny robe) from the bodies of the children and relatives of the deceased.

The children offer a guinea fowl before their doringo (tinny robe) is removed, while the relatives can offer any amount of money they wish before the removal of their doringo. However, the goat that is used to perform the loko activity’s meat can only be eaten by people who have lost their fathers. It is compulsory to kill a goat and a dog when performing the yidaana’s (landlord’s) loko chi’a activity.

FINAL FUNERAL RITES OF A WOMAN.

Important items that are needed to perform a woman funeral rite.

The following items are required for the funeral activities of a woman. This includes Foodstuffs {che’a (germinated fermented millet), ze’a (late millet), suma (Bambara beans), beans, etc}; Fowl and a guinea fowl; guinea fowl or goat for the preparation of the dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi). However, if the deceased is old, a goat (optional) can be used for the preparation of the dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi), but when the deceased is young, they use a guinea fowl for the preparation of the dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi); Kumpi’oo, calabashes, vugure (stirring stick), tisunko (head pad), and zanlinga.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY ONE

A woman’s final funeral rites are a little bit similar to those of a man's except that a few things are done differently.

On the night they intend to start with the final funeral rites, the women always ensure that they have certain material things that will be needed for the final funeral rites. These things are

Kumpi’oo (it looks like a calabash but is more enclosed than a calabash)
Tisunko (head pad).
Vugure (stirring stick).

Around midnight, the chobiisi (elders) always send a man (messenger) to enter inside the house to find out from the women whether they are ready for the funeral rites to commence, and when the women respond positively, the man (messenger) goes back to the zanyure to inform the chobiisi (elders) that the women are ready.

They begin the final funeral rites with ku’ore yoma (dirges). When they commence with the ku’ore yoma (dirges) recitations, a woman usually places the tisunko (head pad) on her head before carrying the kumpi’oo, whilst another woman holds the vugure (stirring stick) and then begins to act like she is stirring something. While the men are reciting the ku’ore yoma (dirges) and moving towards the main entrance of the house, the women always carry the kumpi’oo and are moving towards the men at the entrance.

Immediately the men are done with the recitations, and the women also go back and start with the recitations of the women’s version of ku’ore yoma (dirges). When they are also done with their recitations, they move to the entrance of a room to put the tisunko (head pad) down, and place the kumpi’oo on top of it, and also place the vugure by it. Any stranger who enters the house and sees those things would understand that the deceased person is a woman. Immediately after the first recitations of the ku’ore yoma (dirges), people begin to yell in the house. Just like the men’s funeral rites, the women’s funeral activities among the Nankana people are also characterized with drumming and dancing to commemorate the dead.

They recite the ku’ore yoma (dirges) four (4) times continuously before the day breaks, but with time intervals. A deceased woman’s final funeral rites last for four (4) days. After the recitations of songs and the day breaks, the family brings che’a (germinated fermented millet), ze’a (late millet), and a fowl. They present these things to the chobiisi (elders) sitting outside. When the chobiisi (elders) receive the things, they recite the ku’ore yoma (dirges) again, and the women equally recite their version (that is what is called, che’a ka’are).

After the recitations of the dirges, one of them holds the fowl and walks as if he is entering the house, and then quickly hits it hard on the floor for it to die (that is what they call Nanma dii’a). When they finish doing that, they present the che’a (germinated fermented millet) to the women to use and brew the danmolika (pito), which is what they call da’am koka (they grind the millet, mix it with water, and add the bark of the okra plant, place it on top of the fire, and stir until it becomes slippery). The chobiisi (elders) tell the women to keep the ze’a (late millet) for the third day of the final funeral rites, which would be used for the dacheror sagbo (tuo zaafi).

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY TWO

The women continue the danmolika (pito) brewing process (the mixture of the ground millet with water and the bark of the okra plant which they prepared the previous night always becomes cool and fermented), so they sieve it and put it on fire for it to boil until it is ready for consumption.

On this day, there is something they call malimma, a woman (pogyabilika) who is from that clan and got married to a different place usually used a tinny rope (the local one) to tire it on all the children and direct relatives of the deceased (that is what they call, doringo). The women wear it on their neck to the waist, and the men wear it on their wrist to the forefinger. It is usually only the last born of the deceased who usually wears gbeklika (a small bell). They do that for people or strangers to be able to easily identify the deceased children and also his direct relatives.

Also, on this day, all the nieces of the deceased who are married, and their husbands are required by the culture to come and greet the chobiisi (elders). The chobiisi (elders) would then tell them the role they would play as in-laws to the deceased. (Every in-law would prepare sagbo (tuo zaafi) and add a goat, but in some circumstances, he is allowed to bring a hoe in the absence of a goat to the funeral house). They do that on the third day of the funeral.

Moreover, on this day, the deceased father’s house people come round to greet the funeral (that is what they call, "Pogyabilika ku'ore"). Immediately after they arrive, they recite the ku’ore yoma (dirges) while moving towards the entrance to the house. The deceased husband’s house women usually carry the kumpi’oo and also move toward them. After that is done, and her father’s house women, enter inside the funeral house, they also recite the women’s version of the ku’ore yoma (dirges).

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY THREE

This is the busiest and most important day of the final funeral rites ceremony. On this day that they call kunguno dabisire or boguro dabisire, A lot of visitors come round to mourn with the family on this day.

On this particular morning, at the deceased husband’s house, people usually carry the kumpi’oo and Pi’o to her parents' house (that is what they call Kuzutire). When they arrive there, the men recite the funeral songs, and when the women also enter the house, they recite the women’s version of the songs. On the evening of that day, the deceased father’s house people say goodbye to her husband’s house people with gifts with the belief that they are meant for their deceased daughter, but before the people leave the house, they recite the funeral songs.

The deceased husband’s family presents a goat (optional) or guinea fowl to the chobiisi (elders) on that same morning so that they would add it to the ze’a (late millet) which was presented earlier on the first day to the chobiisi (elders) to use and prepare food, specifically sagbo (tuo zaafi’) for the afternoon. That is what we call dachero sagbo. The animal to be presented to the chobiisi to use for the dachero sagbo (tuo zaafi) depends on the age of the deceased. If the deceased is old, they give a goat (optional) or guinea fowl, but if the deceased is young, they give a guinea fowl to be used to prepare the food. The food is usually prepared by women. When the food is ready for consumption, two (2) women usually fetch the sagbo (tuo zaafi) with a stirring stick and also fetch the soup with a bi’a (local ladle) and go round the house with the food. As they go round the house, they cut the sagbo (tuo zaafi), put it into the soup, and remove and throw it away while ululating (chinchelinga) at the same time. They go round the house four (4) consecutive times. The significance of this is that it is believed that at that moment, their ancestors and so many spirits are present, so they have to feed them first before they can also eat their food peacefully. After the two (2) women are done with the activity, the food is shared to the chobiisi (elders) according to their clans.

On this same day, in the afternoon, the deceased husband performs the widowhood rites. They shave his hair and then he bathes outside the house that very afternoon.

In the evening, when the people who sent the kumpi’oo to the deceased parents’ house return, the men would recite their version, and the women would also recite their version when they enter the house. After that, the chobiisi (elders) invite a bakoliko (soothsayer) to come to the funeral house, so that they would find out the cause of the death.

Immediately after the Bakoliko (soothsayer) is done, the in-laws to the house, especially those in-laws who have been told to prepare the sagbo (tuo zaafi) and come along with a goat, are allowed to arrive at the funeral house with their things.

All nephews of the deceased who have fowls to present to their deceased auntie are also allowed. They do that through sacrifice. (That is purely a traditional religion.) And that is what is known as Nu’a kul-liko.

At midnight, they would call the children and the relatives of the deceased and give them food (the food is known as "gure") to eat. The food is usually Bambara beans (suma), chinchira, meat, etc. The children of the deceased eat what they refer to as their mother’s “gure”, and the relatives of the deceased would also eat what they refer to as their sister’s “gure”.

It is important to note that, it is prohibited for a person whose mother is still alive to eat the “gure” food, and also prohibited for a person who has not lost any of his or her relatives. However, to make food available for those prohibited for the gure food, the family prepare special meals like Bambara beans, chinchira, beans, tuo zaafi, etc. for people to eat.

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN ON DAY FOUR

They perform "Duko be'a" (which means "to close the pot") early that morning, and the kumpi'oo is carried to the Pogtachiira's house for the deceased to say goodbye. The Pogtachiira is usually seen as a close relative to the woman, so any problem in her marriage she confides in him. He is also seen as an intermediary between the two families (that is both the man and the woman). When they get there with the kumpi’oo and want to return to the deceased husband’s house with the kumpi’oo, the Pogtachiira always gives them gifts and also escorts them. On their way back home together with the Pogtachiira, people from the funeral house always meet them on the way with different types of food: meat, guinea fowl, and danmolika (pito). They sit there and eat and also present the guinea fowl to the Pogtachiira before they send the kumpi’oo back to the funeral house to continue the rest of the process.

Immediately after they arrive with the kumpi’oo, they bring out something they call Zanlinga. Zanlinga is something that in the olden days, they used to keep calabashes in it and hang in the room. When they bring out the zanlinga, the house women already have their calabashes which they want to present to the deceased. They then put the kumpi’oo together with the calabashes inside the zanlinga. The deceased relatives and friends who have also brought calabashes to present to her are also allowed to do so, which are all put in the zanlinga. When everything is set, a group of women lift the zanlinga together with the calabashes and begin to recite funeral songs. They usually take the path (sore) that the deceased used to follow and go to her father’s house while alive.

They follow the path until they get to a cross path (+). They stop there and break all the calabashes and the kumpi’oo. After that, a guinea fowl is slaughtered at the same place where they broke the calabashes and kumpi’oo.

When that is done, it means the final funeral rites are over, so the crowd can then disperse as and when they want.

Immediately after the calabashes and kumpi’oo are sent out. The chobiisi begin to also say goodbye to the in-laws at the house where the funeral is being performed.

On that same day, all the children and the relatives of the deceased shave their hair sakora. The reason is that shaving one’s hair signifies that he or she has lost a loved one. They also believe that when you lose a loved one, it is considered bad luck. Therefore, shaving the hair signifies that the bad is taken away. One may opt not to shave, but in that case, there is something they call "zuo da'a" (which means the person would pay in order not to shave his or her hair). The slaughtered guinea fowl can only be eaten by people who have lost their mother and the final funeral rites have also been performed.

DI’A (WAR DANCE)

Di’a (war dance) is one of the most entertaining cultural practices in our society. Though it is displayed by men, a woman who is a very good singer could join them in singing songs of praise to the men through their family or clan history. They usually wear war regalia [the animal skin (gongo or gunne), horns of an animal, loko, ta’afo (bow), pe’ema (arrows), Kane (spear), they also hold zure (tail of an animal), etc]. This activity is usually undertaken at funerals.

In the olden days, wars were very common. The people were always engaged in tribal wars, land disputes, fighting for supremacy, and also fighting for a woman for marriage, etc. Their paramount aim was always to protect their people. The men were always prepared to defend themselves anytime there was an attack on them. These were some of the things they used to wear to protect themselves, and also the things they used to fight in the war.

The following items were used during wars:

Gongo or gunne (the animal skin): it was used to prevent the enemy’s arrows from easily penetrating their bodies.

Horns of an animal: It was used to deceive the enemies into believing that they were animals, and therefore get relaxed so that they can be ambushed.

Loko: The loko was used to contain the pe’ema (arrows).

Ta’afo (bow): The ta’afo (bow) was used for shooting. They used to put the arrow on the bow and then pull and discharge the arrow against their enemies.

Kane (Spear): It was also used for fighting.

Zure (tail of an animal): This was used as their spiritual backing.

It got to a time that the wars were minimized, so they decided to introduce di’a (war dance) to make it a cultural practice to signify that their forefathers used to fight very hard to protect their land. They introduced it in such a way that it is not practiced anyhow or anywhere. It is displayed when a yidaana (landlord) dies, an elder of a clan dies, and also, when a tindaana (fetish priest) dies. These were people who used to play key roles during wars, and that is why they introduced the di’a (war dance) during their funeral rite ceremonies to remind people of their roles in the family, clan, or community, and also to entertain the people around. The war dancer dance while demonstrating how their ancestors fought their enemies during wars.

Some people have the notion that the war dance event is carried out by people who practice the African religion alone. Those people argue that, in that event, a lot of juju is displayed, and that is what makes it a traditional religious practice. But seriously, that is not the case. The point is that it is not only at war dances that juju is being used. The use of juju is like when a person believes that the juju is what is protecting him from being harmed by his enemies, so the person carries it everywhere. He could even carry it to his place of work. It is like a Christian who believes that whenever he is wearing the rosary or holding a bible, no evil force can harm him. Though it is an undeniable fact that there are evil people who use the war dance to carry out their evil agenda, then it is not only the war dance place that they can do that. They can still do it anywhere.

Let’s assume that, you are a Christian and people attack you to kill you. Would you sit down and watch? If you think the usage of the zure (animals' tail) those days is what is making you perceive that idea, you can equally carry your rosary or bible with you whenever you wish to partake in the war dance. The war dance is done just to remind us of the past.

During the war dance ceremony, there is always nothing like libation or sacrifice. Therefore, there is nothing justifiable that war dances are for only those who practice the traditional religion. The practice of di’a (war dance) is a pure cultural activity and should be embraced as such.

Conclusion

The Nankana people of Naaga in the Upper East region of Ghana have a rich cultural heritage when it comes to the performance of Marriage and Funeral Rites. However, these cultural practices are unknown to even the youth of the Nankana, especially those living outside the community. For instance, the marriage ceremony in Nankana is viewed as a communal exercise that involves two communities rather than two individuals as in the case of the Western concept of the institution. Thus, both families and communities of the would-be couples come together to organize the marriage which is witnessed by dozens of community members. This process does not only publicize the marriage to the entire area but also re-enforce the cordial relationships that exist between the families and the communities. In the olden days, from the day of the arrival of the bride till the final ceremony was characterized with merrymaking such as drumming and dancing, cooking special meals, and all forms of social activities. However, due to the influence of orthodox religions such as Christianity and Islam, the youth are shying away from this beautiful cultural cooperation among families.

Also, Funeral rites among the Nankana is an essential component of their cultural practices that need to be investigated and analyzed for the understanding of the dynamics surrounding it. Funeral rites performance involves systematic stages mostly comprise four days. Every day has a specific ritual performed depending on the age and sex of the deceased. One unique ritual performed for landlords and earth priest is the Di’a (the war dance), which is always performed on the third and the final day of the final funeral rites. The practice of the war dance is to symbolize how our forefathers fought their enemies during war and defended their territories against invasion.

It is my hope that this article will trigger for further research in the cultural lives of the Nankana people and other neighboring ethnic groups who share similar cultural practices. Also, this work will expose the usefulness of the traditions and customary practices to the Nankana youth especially those who do not reside around home to witness the rites involve in the practice discussed in this article. This will go a long way to help the youth to embrace their culture and practice as cultural practices are important in giving one his/her true identity.

AUTHOR: RAYMOND AKATARIBAYINE ATULIKO