Corruption Is Worse Than Prostitution: Ghana’s Long and Shameful Catalogue of Malfeasance

“Corruption is worse than prostitution. The latter endangers the morality of an individual; the former endangers the morality of an entire country.” … Karl Kraus

There are quotations that become more relevant with age. This one by Austrian writer and satirist Karl Kraus is one of them. Look at Ghana today. Hardly a week passes without another story involving alleged corruption, abuse of public office, procurement irregularities, money laundering, unexplained wealth, payroll fraud, illicit financial transactions or the misuse of state resources. And now we have the disturbing cocaine cases. Nearly 3.9 tonnes of suspected cocaine, concealed in containers originating from Ghana, were seized by French customs at Dunkirk. The shipment was reportedly worth about €225 million, or more than US$260 million. Ghanaian authorities subsequently arrested suspects. Several people have been put before the courts in connection with the alleged shipment, including persons accused of failing to properly act on abnormal scan images at the port. The accused persons have denied the charges and are presumed innocent until proven guilty. But the questions raised by the case cannot wait for the final judgment. How could almost four tonnes of suspected cocaine pass through our export chain? Who was responsible for the checks? Were systems defeated, or were systems deliberately ignored? If corruption is eventually established, how deeply does the network go? These are questions about Ghana. Not NDC. Not NPP. And that is the point of this article.

This Is Not An NDC Problem. Neither Is It an NPP Problem. It Is a Ghana Problem

Ghana has changed governments several times. The National Democratic Congress has governed. The New Patriotic Party has governed. The NDC has returned to power. Yet corruption continues to appear under different administrations, different ministers, different chief executives and different political colours. Perhaps we have been asking the wrong question. Instead of asking: “Which party is more corrupt?” perhaps we should be asking: “Why does corruption survive changes of government?”

The Office of the Special Prosecutor's current case records provide a sobering picture. Its active prosecutions include cases involving the Strategic Mobilization Ghana Limited/Ghana Revenue Authority affair, the National Petroleum Authority–UPPF scandal, the Tema Port rice case, the GES recruitment scandal and other matters. The OSP also maintains separate files for investigations, referred cases and concluded cases. That distinction is important. Not every case under investigation is a prosecution. Not every prosecution ends in conviction. And not every irregularity uncovered by an audit amounts to criminal corruption. If Ghana is serious about fighting corruption, we must be precise.

A Catalogue of Corruption Cases in Ghana

1. GYEEDA --- The Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Development Authority became one of the major scandals of the NDC. An investigative committee was established following allegations concerning questionable arrangements between GYEEDA and private service providers. The Auditor-General subsequently documented serious financial and payroll irregularities. The controversy became a painful reminder that programmes established to create opportunities for young people can themselves become vulnerable to financial abuse. The lesson should have been straightforward: A good development objective does not protect a programme from corruption. Strong controls must protect the money.
2. SADA --- The Savannah Accelerated Development Authority was established with an ambitious objective: to accelerate development in northern Ghana. Instead, controversies over contracts, projects and expenditure turned SADA into another symbol in Ghana's catalogue of public-sector financial concerns. The larger lesson is again about systems. When huge amounts of public money are placed under institutions with weak controls, good intentions are not enough.
3. SUBAH --- Subah Infosolutions became embroiled in controversy over its dealings with the Ghana Revenue Authority and revenue-monitoring arrangements. The issue raised questions about public contracts, revenue assurance, private-sector involvement in sensitive government functions and value for money. Once again, the fundamental question should have been: Who approved the arrangement, what controls were applied and what value did the state receive?
4. The Woyome Judgment-Debt Affair --- Few corruption-related controversies have remained in Ghana's public consciousness as long as the Alfred Woyome judgment-debt affair. The state paid GH¢51 million in judgment debt to Alfred Woyome. The payment generated enormous political controversy and subsequent litigation over whether the money was properly owed. But here we must make an important distinction. A controversial or disputed government payment is not automatically proof that every person associated with it committed a criminal offence. That distinction is essential. A national corruption catalogue should identify: money paid; money found to have been improperly paid; money ordered to be recovered; criminal allegations; prosecutions; and convictions. These are not interchangeable.
5. SMARTTYS and the Branded Buses --- The branding of Metro Mass Transit buses became another major controversy during the Mahama administration. The contract involved the branding of 116 buses at a cost of about GH¢3.6 million and generated intense public criticism. Transport Minister Dzifa Attivor resigned amid the controversy. Whatever one's political interpretation, the affair demonstrated the political and public consequences of procurement decisions perceived as offering poor value for money. And this brings us to one of Ghana's most persistent problems: procurement.
6. The Ford Expedition: A Lesson In Definitions --- The Ford Expedition controversy involving former President John Mahama provides another useful lesson. CHRAJ found that Mahama breached Ghana's gift policy by accepting the vehicle from a contractor. But the investigation did not establish bribery or a conflict of interest in the circumstances examined. Why include this in a corruption catalogue? Precisely because it teaches us that not every breach of an ethical rule is the same as criminal corruption. Ghana must learn to make these distinctions. Otherwise political propaganda will replace accountability.
7. And then, there was Airbus --- The Airbus matter is even more instructive. The case was investigated by the Office of the Special Prosecutor after a referral from the Akufo-Addo administration. The investigation examined alleged bribery surrounding Ghana's purchase of military aircraft. After investigating, the OSP concluded that it found no evidence that John Mahama or other Ghanaian public officials were involved in bribery and closed the matter without criminal proceedings. That finding must remain in our catalogue. Why? Because if we are genuinely fighting corruption, we must be willing to say: “This allegation was investigated and was not established.” That is accountability too.
8. PDS and the ECG Concession --- The Power Distribution Services controversy became one of the major scandals of the Akufo-Addo administration. Questions arose over the concession to PDS and the validity of the payment guarantee underpinning the transaction. The arrangement was eventually terminated. Whatever one's political interpretation of the affair, it raised fundamental questions about: due diligence, procurement, guarantees, verification and institutional responsibility. The bigger question remains: How can a transaction of such national importance reach such an advanced stage without every critical document and guarantee being independently verified?
9. KelniGVG --- The KelniGVG contract generated intense public debate over its cost, procurement and value to the state. Again, a controversial contract is not automatically a criminal corruption case. But Ghana needs to become much better at answering a basic question before committing public money: What exactly are we buying, at what price, from whom, and how will we know that the state received value?
10. Agyapa: A Corruption Risk was Identified before the Money Disappeared --- This is one of the most important cases in our catalogue because it demonstrates what preventive anti-corruption work can achieve. The Akufo-Addo government proposed the Agyapa Royalties transaction to monetize future gold royalties. The Office of the Special Prosecutor conducted a corruption-risk assessment and identified risks involving procurement, conflicts of interest, cronyism, favouritism and potential illicit financial flows and money laundering. The transaction was subsequently withdrawn. This case teaches Ghana something profound: We should not wait until money is stolen before fighting corruption. Sometimes the best anti-corruption operation is stopping a questionable transaction before the loss occurs.
11. Labianca and Customs --- The OSP's investigation into Labianca and the Customs Division is another case where there was a concrete financial finding. The OSP found that Customs had wrongly granted lower benchmark values to Labianca on frozen-food imports. The resulting revenue shortfall was calculated at more than GH¢1 million, which was recovered. The investigation also resulted in administrative action and changes to Customs procedures. This is what an effective anti-corruption intervention should look like: Investigate. Establish the facts. Recover the money. Identify the loophole. Close the loophole.
12. Cecilia Dapaah and the Unexplained Cash --- Then came the extraordinary case involving former Sanitation and Water Resources Minister Cecilia Dapaah. The OSP searched properties associated with Dapaah and her husband and found approximately US$590,000 and GH¢2.73 million. The OSP investigated suspected corruption and money-laundering-related issues and subsequently referred matters within EOCO's mandate. This case takes us into a particularly important area: unexplained wealth. How much wealth is accumulated by public officials while they are in office? How do we establish whether that wealth is legitimate? And what happens when an official's apparent wealth cannot readily be explained by known legitimate income? These questions should not be asked only when a scandal becomes public. They should be built into the system.
13. Charles Adu Boahen: When the Law Itself Has a Gap --- The Charles Adu Boahen affair raises another uncomfortable question. The OSP concluded that Adu Boahen had engaged in conduct amounting to influence peddling but said the existing law did not provide a sufficient criminal basis for prosecution. The OSP subsequently called for stronger legislation dealing with influence peddling and other corrupt practices. This is a profound lesson. Sometimes the question is not: “Why didn't they prosecute?” It may be: “Did Ghana's law give them something with which to prosecute?” If not, Parliament has work to do.
14. Then Came SML --- The Strategic Mobilization Ghana Limited/Ghana Revenue Authority affair is another major case in Ghana's current corruption landscape. The OSP has prosecuted individuals and SML in connection with alleged corruption and corruption-related offences arising from contractual arrangements involving revenue assurance. The allegations involve very large sums and questions concerning procurement, contracts, value for money and public financial management. But again, these are prosecution allegations, not convictions. The accused persons are entitled to a fair trial and the presumption of innocence. Yet the case demonstrates why procurement deserves much greater public scrutiny. The fundamental questions are: Who proposed the contract? Who approved it? What due diligence was done? What service was actually delivered? How much did the state pay? What did the state receive in return? And ultimately: Where did the money go?
15. The NPA–UPPF Affair: When Corruption Meets Money Laundering --- This may be one of the most significant cases in Ghana's current corruption landscape. The OSP has charged former National Petroleum Authority Chief Executive Mustapha Abdul-Hamid and others over alleged corruption and money laundering involving approximately GH¢291.57 million and US$332,407. The OSP alleges that unlawful payments were extracted from oil marketing companies and bulk oil transporters and that part of the proceeds was subsequently channeled through companies into property, trucks, filling stations and other assets. The accused persons have denied the allegations, and the case remains before the courts. But this case takes Ghana's corruption discussion into a new territory. It is no longer merely: “Somebody took a bribe.” The allegation involves an entire financial chain: public authority → unlawful payments → companies → transfers → property/assets → concealment of proceeds. That is why Ghana's fight against corruption must increasingly become a fight against money laundering and illicit financial flows.
16. The GES Recruitment Scandal --- Then there is the alleged sale of teaching positions. The OSP says an investigation into an alleged unlawful recruitment scheme found that more than GH¢6 million was received into an account connected to one accused person between January 2022 and December 2023. The prosecution alleges that money was collected from prospective teachers in exchange for securing GES employment. Think about the damage this does beyond the money. A young Ghanaian graduates. He or she searches for employment. Someone says: “Pay me and I will get you a government job.” The graduate pays. The person who genuinely deserves the job may lose it. The integrity of public recruitment collapses. And citizens begin believing that merit is irrelevant unless you know somebody or have money. That is corruption's greatest damage. It destroys trust.
17. The Tema Port Rice Case --- Four public officials are currently facing prosecution over an alleged attempt to unlawfully acquire ten containers of imported rice at Tema Port. The OSP alleges that an uncertified Bill of Lading and an unauthorized letter were used in the attempted acquisition and that Customs officials failed to properly verify ownership. All four accused persons have pleaded not guilty. Again: allegation, not conviction. But the case demonstrates how corruption can operate at the interface between government officials, documents, Customs and private interests.
18. The Cocaine Cases Change the Conversation --- And now Ghana is confronting something potentially even more frightening. A country does not merely have a corruption problem when a public official allegedly takes money. A country faces a much more dangerous situation when organized criminal networks can potentially exploit public institutions, ports, customs systems and international trade routes. French customs intercepted nearly 3.9 tonnes of suspected cocaine at Dunkirk in September 2026. The drugs were concealed in a container carrying plastic waste that had arrived from Ghana. The estimated street value was about €225 million. Ghanaian authorities subsequently arrested suspects and began investigating how the consignment allegedly left the country. By late September, ten people had been put before Ghanaian courts in connection with the wider case, according to the Ghana News Agency, including four Customs officials accused of failing to properly analyze abnormal scan images. All accused persons are presumed innocent. Some face drug-exportation charges; others face allegations of abetment. The case is ongoing. But Ghana cannot afford to wait for the final judgment before asking institutional questions. What happened at the port? Who saw the scan? Who had authority to release the containers? Who inspected the paperwork? Who owned the exporting company? Who financed the shipment? Who stood to benefit? And perhaps most importantly: WHERE IS THE MONEY? Because the cocaine is only one part of the story. The real criminal enterprise is usually the money behind the drugs.

Corruption is not always about Cash in an Envelope

This is where Ghana's national discussion needs to mature. Corruption can take many forms:

• a bribe;
• inflated procurement;
• manipulation of tenders;
• conflict of interest;
• abuse of discretionary authority;
• ghost workers;
• fraudulent recruitment;
• tax evasion facilitated by officials;
• unlawful Customs concessions;
• diversion of public property;
• political influence peddling;
• money laundering;
• unexplained wealth;
• concealment of beneficial ownership;
• manipulation of state contracts;
• illicit financial flows.

The OSP's payroll investigations provide another example. When public institutions discover people receiving salaries when they should not be on the payroll, the issue is not merely accounting. It is public money. Money that could have gone into schools. Hospitals. Roads. Water. Agriculture. Social protection. Pensions. Jobs. Every cedi lost to fraud has an opportunity cost.

Why Does Corruption Survive Changes of Government?

The NDC has accused the NPP. The NPP has accused the NDC. Each government promises to investigate the previous government. Each new administration tells Ghanaians: “We will recover the stolen money.” Then another government arrives. And another catalogue begins. Perhaps the problem is not only the people occupying the seats. Perhaps the problem is the architecture of the system. If one administration can manipulate procurement, another can do it. If one administration can exploit weak payroll controls, another can do it. If one administration can influence appointments, another can do it. If one administration can use political connections to gain contracts, another can do it. The system remains.

Can Ghana Defeat Corruption?
Yes, Ghana can. But not with speeches. Not with politically branded anti-corruption campaigns. Not with corruption allegations being used primarily as ammunition against political opponents. Ghana needs something more permanent.

1. Follow the Money --- Every serious corruption investigation should ultimately ask: Where did the money go? Not simply: Who received it? Money moves. It enters companies. It buys land. It builds houses. It buys vehicles. It enters bank accounts. It crosses borders. It changes names. It becomes an investment. The NPA-UPPF case demonstrates precisely why following the money is essential.
2. Strengthen Asset declaration --- Ghana needs an asset-declaration system that actually helps investigators identify unexplained wealth. Public officials should not simply file forms that disappear into government archives. Declarations should be verifiable. Where there is a legitimate and evidence-based reason for investigation, investigators should be able to compare: wealth before office → income during office → wealth after office.
3. Make Procurement Transparent --- Every major public contract should be traceable by citizens. Who won? Who bid? What was the original price? What were the variations? Who approved them? How much has been paid? What has actually been delivered? If these questions were routinely answered before and during major contracts, many controversies might never reach the stage where billions of cedis are at risk.
4. Close the Legal Gaps --- If influence peddling is recognized as harmful but difficult to prosecute because the law is inadequate, Parliament must address the gap. Anti-corruption legislation must keep pace with the sophistication of modern financial crime.
5. Stop Politicizing Anti-Corruption Institutions --- An anti-corruption agency must be able to investigate: NDC people. NPP people. Civil servants. Businessmen. Judges. Ministers. MPs. Chief Executives. Contractors. Policemen. Soldiers. Traditional Authorities. Anybody. The political affiliation of the suspect should be irrelevant to the investigation.
6. Protect the Whistleblower(s) --- Many corrupt arrangements are known inside institutions long before they become public. But people are afraid. They fear losing their jobs. They fear victimization. They fear political retaliation. A whistleblower who exposes corruption should not become the person who suffers while those exposed continue enjoying their wealth.
7. Make Audit Findings Consequential --- The Auditor-General audits. Parliament examines. Recommendations are made. But the public often has little idea what happens afterwards. We need a much stronger system of tracking: finding → recommendation → recovery → prosecution → punishment → institutional reform. Audit reports should not become annual literature. They should become instruments of accountability.
8. Recover the Money --- Conviction is important. But recovery is equally important. If GH¢100 million is stolen and the offender receives a prison sentence but keeps GH¢100 million, society has not recovered what it lost. Anti-corruption must therefore mean: investigation + prosecution + conviction + asset recovery + prevention.
9. Don’t Confuse Allegations with Guilt --- This may sound like a small point. It isn't. It is fundamental. A person accused of corruption is not automatically corrupt. A person investigated is not automatically guilty. A person charged is not automatically guilty. A person acquitted must be reported as acquitted. A case in which an offence is not established must be reported as such. If Ghana fights corruption by abandoning due process, we will have replaced one injustice with another.
10. Ghana Needs a National Corruption and Public Accountability Register --- Perhaps what Ghana needs is not another partisan list of scandals. We need a permanent, independently maintained National Corruption and Public Accountability Register. Every significant case should show: Name of case. Year. Institution involved. Nature of allegation. Amount involved. Investigation status. Court status. Outcome. Money recovered. Assets recovered. Institutional reforms introduced. And the register should remain regardless of which political party is in power. That way politicians could no longer simply say: “That was the previous government.” The record would say: “This happened. These people were investigated. This was established. This was not established. This money was recovered. This money remains outstanding. This reform was made.” That would give Ghana something more valuable than political accusations. It would give the country institutional memory.

My Thoughts
Karl Kraus was right about one thing that Ghana must take seriously: Corruption is not merely about money. It corrupts values. When a young graduate believes that he cannot get a government job without paying somebody, corruption has damaged his faith in merit. When a contractor believes that winning a government contract requires political connections, corruption has damaged entrepreneurship. When a citizen believes that a public official must be bribed before doing his job, corruption has damaged the meaning of public service. When a Customs officer allegedly sees something suspicious and does nothing, the consequences may extend beyond lost revenue --- as the current cocaine case reminds us. And when citizens begin to believe that every government steals and every politician is corrupt, something even more dangerous happens. They lose faith in democracy itself. That is why this is not an NDC fight. It is not an NPP fight. It is not merely an OSP fight, an EOCO fight, a CHRAJ fight or an Auditor-General fight. It is Ghana's fight. But the ultimate question Ghana must answer is: Can Ghana build a system in which stealing public money becomes difficult, hiding it becomes difficult, laundering it becomes difficult, protecting the thief becomes difficult --- and recovering it becomes inevitable? Until we can answer yes, the catalogue will continue. The names will change. The parties will change. The governments will change. But the corruption will remain. Ghana deserves better.

FUSEINI ABDULAI BRAIMAH
+233208282575 / +233550558008
afusb55@gmail.com

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