On the recent prosecutions: The NPP cannot campaign on corruption in 2028

Ghana’s political conversation ahead of 2028 is already shifting, and the biggest shift for the New Patriotic Party (NPP) may be this: the anti-corruption message that once defined its campaigns is now the hardest terrain for it to occupy.

That difficulty comes not from policy papers, but from what has happened in courtrooms, in party primaries, and in the headlines over the last 18 months.

The prosecutions have put NPP officials on the defensive

Since the NDC returned to power, “Operation Recover All Loot” (ORAL) has been the centrepiece of the administration’s anti-corruption push. The ORAL program is on track due to the number of active court cases. In May 2026 the Attorney General Dr. Dominic Ayine noted that he is “the first Attorney General in the history of the Fourth Republic to have brought five corruption cases in one year”, and argued that the on-going trials are “putting pressure” on the NPP because of potential jail time for former officials.

The NPP Minority, for its part, accuses the government of political persecution. General Secretary Justin Kodua has condemned what he calls “media trials” and “selective” nolle prosequi decisions freeing NDC members in over ten corruption cases, and described bail demands of GH¢800 million for an accused NPP member as a “constructive denial of justice”.

Whether you see ORAL as accountability or targeting, the effect is the same: several former NPP appointees are under investigation or prosecution, and that dominates any corruption debate the party tries to start.

Internal issues undermine the moral high ground

It isn’t just external prosecutions. The NPP is also dealing with corruption allegations inside its own house.

The Office of the Special Prosecutor launched an investigation in February 2026 into “corrupt acts during the NPP’s Presidential Primaries,” specifically looking at vote buying, vote selling, and funding sources.

Centre foe Democratic Development (CDD Ghana cited reports of vote buying during the NPP presidential primaries as part of its call for new legislation to curb political corruption.

Party figures have warned aspirants against opulence and bribery. In past national executive elections the elections committee engaged police to arrest candidates for vote-buying, and in 2020 CDD’s Corruption Watch exposed delegates being influenced with money.

Dr. Arthur Kennedy, speaking on the party’s 2028 prospects, argued that “resentment, corruption, and alienation between paid delegates and the party’s six million voters remain major obstacles”, and that “political corruption within parties’ fuels broader public corruption”.

When your own primaries are under OSP investigation, it becomes difficult to claim a clean record on the campaign trail.

The governing party has moved quickly to own the anti-corruption narrative. Beyond ORAL, the government is pushing asset recovery and court-based prosecutions rather than mob justice.

Meanwhile, the NPP Minority is accusing the NDC of trying to “weaken and ultimately dismantle” the OSP through a repeal bill laid in December 2025, a claim the government disputes. The back-and-forth means voters are hearing about corruption mostly in the context of NPP officials in court.

Even international cases are being weaponized. The NPP has pointed to US proceedings alleging $1 million in bribes paid to Ghanaian officials over a power plant deal, calling for domestic investigators to trace beneficiaries. But that also keeps corruption in the news cycle, and with the NPP in opposition, it cannot control the story.

Why this matters for 2028
Campaigns need credibility. In 2016 and 2020 the NPP campaigned heavily on cleaning up public finances, passing laws like the Witness Protection Act, Special Prosecutor Act, RTI Act, and digitization initiatives. It also touted charging over 40 high-profile persons linked to the previous NDC administration.

Now the roles are reversed. With ORAL investigations on-going, with some former NPP officials convicted and ordered to refund millions, and with the party’s own internal elections under scrutiny, any NPP message of “we are the anti-corruption party” invites an immediate counter: “what about your people in court?”

That doesn’t mean the NPP has no message. The party is pivoting to accusations of judicial compromise, economic hardship, and galamsey. But corruption as a standalone campaign pillar is blunted when your brand is entangled in current prosecutions.

Elections are won on contrast. In 2028 the NDC will run on “we are prosecuting,” and the NPP will have to run on “they are persecuting.” That is a weaker position.

To reclaim ground, the NPP would need two things: clear internal reforms that address vote-buying and delegate monetization, and a record of supporting institutions like the OSP rather than just defending members. Without that, voters are likely to see any corruption campaign from the NPP as self-serving rather than principled.

The prosecutions didn’t create the problem. They exposed it. And in politics, once the exposure happens, you don’t get to campaign on the same issue the same way.

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