Agradaa’s Short Release And Wontumi’s Appeal: Why Ghana Must End Selective Justice In Its Anti‑Corruption Fight
The current government under President John Mahama has taken bold and commendable steps in its renewed fight against corruption. The establishment of Operation Recover All Loot (ORAL) and the intensified work of the Economic and Organized Crime Office (EOCO) have opened the door for investigations into hundreds of cases involving corrupt politicians and high‑profile individuals.
For the first time in many years, Ghanaians have seen a government willing to confront the deep‑rooted corruption that crippled institutions, drained public finances, and weakened national development. Yet, despite these efforts, a growing number of citizens are increasingly dissatisfied with how corruption cases are being handled.
Apart from the long overdue cases, many believe that the cordial relationship between NPP politicians, the ruling NDC, judges, and parliamentarians is preventing the government from enforcing strict and equal punishment for high‑society offenders. To ordinary Ghanaians, the justice system appears to operate on two separate tracks: one for the powerful and another for the powerless.
In Ghana, when a laborer, carpenter, mason, shoemaker, or other ordinary citizen breaks the law, the courts deal with them swiftly and without sympathy. These individuals often serve their full prison terms, ranging from five to seven years, even for relatively minor offenses. However, the same cannot be said for individuals considered “high society,” whose influence, connections, and political ties often shield them from the full weight of the law.
A striking example is the case of Patricia Asiedua, popularly known as Agradaa. Once a traditional priestess and later a self‑classd Christian evangelist, Agradaa built a reputation around her controversial “Sika Gari” money‑doubling schemes. As early as 2021, she was convicted and fined for charlatanic advertisement.
Over the years, she became associated with several high‑profile politicians, a relationship that emboldened her to commit both financial and physical crimes against unsuspecting victims. In mid‑2025, Agradaa was tried on six counts, including charlatanic advertisement and multiple charges of defrauding by false pretenses. Witnesses and video evidence showed her soliciting money under fraudulent claims.
On July 3, 2025, she was found guilty on four counts and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment with hard labor. However, her legal team appealed, and on February 5, 2026, the Amasaman High Court reduced her sentence to just 12 months, calling the original punishment excessive" She was released on March 3, 2026, after serving only eight months.
This raises a troubling question: How can Agradaa serve eight months for crimes far more severe than those committed by a carpenter who serves his full five‑year term? To many Ghanaians, this is not just unfair; it is discriminatory. It sends a dangerous message that justice bends when the accused is wealthy, politically connected, or influential. What does Agradaa’s early release mean for the government and the people?
Agradaa’s quick release has created a perception that the judiciary favors high‑profile individuals, undermining public trust in both the courts and the government. For a government fighting corruption, this perception is damaging. It suggests that while the administration is willing to investigate corruption, it may not be willing, or able, to ensure that offenders face full accountability.
For the people, this reinforces long‑standing frustrations: that justice in Ghana is not blind, and that the poor suffer while the powerful escape. It weakens public confidence in the anti‑corruption agenda and risks discouraging citizens who initially supported Mahama’s efforts. When justice appears selective, the entire fight against corruption loses credibility.
The situation becomes even more concerning when viewed alongside the case of Bernard Antwi‑Bosiako, popularly known as Chairman Wontumi. Despite being sentenced to 20 years in prison for financial and environmental crimes, he has already summoned lawyers to seek his release, claiming illness, barely three months into his sentence. What does it mean if Wontumi is released?
If Wontumi is released under the pretext of illness, the consequences will be severe: public outrage will intensify, as Ghanaians will see it as yet another example of selective justice. The government’s anti‑corruption credibility will collapse, making it difficult for Mahama to convince the public that his administration is serious about accountability.
More importantly, it will embolden other corrupt politicians, who believe they can manipulate the system to avoid punishment. It will not only weaken ORAL and EOCO, making their work appear meaningless if convictions do not lead to real consequences but also damage the NDC’s future electoral prospects, as Ghanaians may conclude that the government is protecting corrupt elites rather than defending the nation’s interests.
The NDC government must understand that the fight against corruption is not only about investigations but also about ensuring justice is applied equally. If high‑profile offenders continue to receive preferential treatment, the public will lose faith in the system, and the government’s anti‑corruption agenda will be seen as mere political theatre.
President Mahama’s administration must therefore resist any pressure, political or personal, to release individuals like Wontumi prematurely. Doing so would not only undermine the integrity of the justice system but also jeopardize the government’s credibility and its future in 2028. Ghanaians have already endured years of corruption, economic hardship, and institutional decay.
Therefore, they expect justice, fairness, and accountability, not excuses. If the government wants to maintain public trust, strengthen its anti‑corruption legacy, and secure its future, it must ensure that justice is not selective. The law must protect the nation, not the privileged.
Belgian‑Ghanaian journalist Joel Savage writes the column “A Mixture of Periodicals.” A former member of the Flemish Journalists Association, he has contributed to the Weekly Spectator, Ghanaian Times, Daily Graphic and The Mirror.
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