Dagbon Needs More Than Damba: Where Is the Institutional Voice of the Youth?

The recent debate over the suspension of the Damba Festival in Dagbon following the death of Ya-Na Abubakari Mahama II is understandable. Damba is one of the most important cultural institutions in Dagbon, and the decision to suspend this year's celebration in accordance with mourning rites is a matter that deserves respect and sensitivity. The Dagbon Kingdom announced the suspension on August 20, 2026, following the death of the late Ya-Na on July 11. But there is a danger in allowing the Damba controversy to become the principal lens through which we discuss the problems confronting Dagbon. A much deeper issue has been raised by Basiru Bejejugu in a recent Facebook intervention: Where are the institutions capable of mobilizing Dagbon's youth around a common development agenda? That, in my view, is the question we should be asking. And it is a question that goes far beyond Damba.

The Lesson from Gonjaland
Basiru's comparison with Gonjaland is particularly instructive. The Gonjaland Youth Association (GLYA) has demonstrated, over several decades, that a youth organization can become much more than a ceremonial body. It can provide an institutional platform for discussing development, peace, employment, education, land, investment and the future of an entire community. This is not simply an assertion made on Facebook. There is evidence of the association's longevity and activity.

The Gonjaland Youth Association held its 38th Annual Easter Congress at Daboya in 2014. Its 37th Annual Congress had been held at Bole in 2013, where the youth adopted resolutions on natural-resource management, land acquisition, environmental protection, tourism, peace and development. In 2021, the association held its 45th Annual Congress at Bole under the theme, "Beyond Election 2020: Uniting Gonjaland for Rapid Socio-economic Development." It held its 47th Annual Congress at Kpembe in 2023, focusing on peaceful coexistence and investment opportunities for socio-economic development. In 2025, its 49th Annual Congress was held at Sawla. The association reported that it had engaged other youth groups, including Dagbon, Mamprugu, Konkomba and Nanumba youth organizations, in the interest of peace and cooperation. And in 2026, the Gonjaland Youth Association celebrated its 50th anniversary at Buipe. That is institutional continuity. It means that generations of young people can inherit an organization, improve it, disagree within it, elect new leaders, hold congresses and continue the conversation. That is the real lesson for Dagbon.

The Question Dagbon Must Answer
Basiru asks a provocative question: When was the last time the Dagbon youth organized a truly national durbar or congress around a comprehensive development agenda? The question should not be dismissed simply because DAYA, the Dagbon Youth Association, exists. DAYA certainly exists and has, at various times, spoken on important issues. For example, in 2000, DAYA publicly warned politicians against dragging Dagbon chieftaincy into partisan politics. More recently, in 2023, DAYA spoke about economic development and creating a conducive environment for investment in Dagbon. There have also been recent engagements involving DAYA leaders and other Dagbon youth institutions. In June 2025, DAYA leaders participated in discussions concerning the leadership crisis within the Dagbon Students' Association. So it would be unfair to say that nothing exists. The more important question is whether what exists is sufficiently institutionalized, visible, representative, financially sustainable and powerful enough to mobilize Dagbon's enormous youth population around a common development agenda. That is a different question. And it deserves an honest answer.

Dagbon needs an institution, not merely an association. A youth organization should not exist simply to issue occasional press statements. It should have a constitution that is respected, elected officers whose mandates are clear, a functioning secretariat, proper records, membership registers, branches, financial accountability and regular congresses. It should know how many members it has. It should know where its professionals are. It should know how many Dagomba doctors, engineers, lawyers, teachers, entrepreneurs, academics, ICT specialists, farmers and businesspeople are available at home and abroad. It should know how many young Dagombas are unemployed. It should know how many have dropped out of school. It should know what businesses young people are operating. It should know what obstacles they face in accessing land, finance, training and markets. Without data, mobilization becomes rhetoric. Without an institution, enthusiasm becomes temporary. Without continuity, every new generation starts from zero.

The Real Power of a Youth Congress

What is particularly impressive about the Gonjaland example is not merely the fact that it holds an annual congress. It is what the congress represents. An annual congress creates a predictable institutional moment when the people can ask: What did we promise last year? What have we achieved? What has government done? What have traditional authorities done? What have we done ourselves? What are the most urgent problems confronting our youth? What should be our agenda for the next twelve months? This is how a community develops institutional memory.

The Gonjaland Youth Association's past congresses have dealt with natural resources, land acquisition, environmental concerns, tourism, peace, investment and socio-economic development. That is the difference between celebrating identity and organizing identity for development. Dagbon has enormous cultural resources. But culture must be accompanied by institutions capable of converting collective identity into social and economic capital.

Political Parties Must Capture the Youth’s Agenda

This may be the most important part of the discussion. Dagbon youth are not politically homogeneous, and they should not be. There are NDC supporters. There are NPP supporters. There are people who support other parties. There are people who have no interest in partisan politics whatsoever. That is normal in a democracy. The mistake is to assume that because Dagombas are divided politically, they cannot unite around issues of common interest. They can. Indeed, they must.

A Dagbon youth organization should be able to say to an NDC government: This is what Dagbon needs. It should be able to say the same thing to an NPP government. It should be able to congratulate government when it does well and criticize it when it fails. It should be able to invite an NDC minister and an NPP MP to the same forum. It should be able to engage a chief without becoming an instrument of the palace. It should be able to challenge a chief respectfully where the interest of the people requires it. That is what independence means. A non-partisan organization does not mean an organization that is silent on politics. It means an organization that does not become the property of a political party.

The Mamprugu Youth Association, for example, has historically described itself as an independent, non-partisan and non-religious association whose purpose is to unite Mamprugu youth and coordinate their efforts towards development. That principle is worth considering.

The Ghana Water Limited Argument Needs Careful Handling

Basiru makes another interesting point about the presence of Gonjas in influential positions, including Ghana Water Limited (GWL), and suggests that organized youth structures can help communities secure opportunities. The underlying argument is worth discussing, but it should be handled carefully.

A community should never expect a public institution to discriminate in favour of its ethnic group in recruitment. Public employment must be based on competence, fairness and applicable laws. But there is nothing wrong with a community organizing itself so that its young people are informed, trained, competitive and positioned to take advantage of opportunities. That is a crucial distinction.

If a community has a professional network that knows where its young graduates are, what they studied, what vacancies exist and what skills employers require, it can help its people prepare for opportunities without demanding ethnic favouritism. Interestingly, the current GWL example demonstrates the broader point about organized community engagement. GWL's Managing Director, Adam Mutawakilu, was publicly praised by President John Mahama at the 50th anniversary celebration of the Gonjaland Youth Association in Buipe in April 2026. The event itself brought the Gonjaland community together to discuss development issues, including the long-standing Damongo water challenge. The lesson should not be "put our people in positions." The lesson should be: Build human capital. Build networks. Build institutions. Make your people competitive.

What about Dagbon's Political Leadership?

Basiru's criticism of political divisions among Dagbon's leaders is also worth serious reflection. Dagbon's political diversity is not a weakness. It becomes a weakness when political allegiance prevents leaders from acting together on matters of collective interest.

The late Ya-Na Abukari Mahama II's reign was widely associated with reconciliation, peace and unity following the long chieftaincy conflict. President Mahama, speaking at the installation of the new Regent, specifically urged Dagbon to preserve the peace, unity and development associated with the late Ya-Na's reign. Former Vice President Dr Mahamudu Bawumia similarly described the late Ya-Na as a king of peace and unity. That consensus around the late Ya-Na's legacy should now challenge Dagbon's political and traditional leadership.

If the king is expected to unite the people, what institutions will sustain that unity after his death? That is the question. A peaceful kingdom cannot depend entirely on the personality of one Ya-Na. Peace must become institutional. Unity must become institutional. Development must become institutional.

The Youth Crisis is Bigger than Damba

This is where I strongly agree with the central thrust of Basiru's argument. The suspension of Damba is a cultural and traditional matter. It should be respected. But while we debate Damba, there are young people in Dagbon confronting very different realities. There is unemployment. There is drug abuse. There is gambling. There is school dropout. There is growing concern about social-media behaviour. There is disrespect for traditional authority and elders. There are sanitation problems. There are concerns about road and traffic indiscipline. There are questions surrounding the regulation of tricycles. There are challenges relating to land administration. There are family and marital problems. There is an urgent need for skills, entrepreneurship and access to finance. These problems cannot be solved by Damba. Nor can they be solved simply by government. They require community institutions.

The Tricycle Problem is a Symptom

Take the tricycle issue. The young man operating a tricycle is not necessarily the problem. He may be an unemployed young man trying to survive. The problem is an urban transport system that has expanded faster than regulation. If tricycles are to operate in Tamale, there should be clear rules concerning registration, identification, designated stops, driver training, roadworthiness, insurance and traffic enforcement.

The youth themselves should be involved in designing the system. A strong Dagbon youth organization could convene the DVLA, the Metropolitan Assembly, the police, transport unions, drivers and urban planners and ask a simple question: How do we create employment without creating urban chaos? That is what a development-oriented youth organization should do.

Drug Abuse Requires Mobilization, Not Only Condemnation

The same applies to drug abuse. Young people cannot simply be described as irresponsible. What is driving them? What happens to the young man who finishes school and cannot find employment? What recreational alternatives exist? What counselling services exist? What role can mosques, schools, chiefs, youth organizations, Islamic scholars, civil-society groups and health professionals play?

Dagbon needs a youth institution capable of bringing these actors together. The same applies to gambling. If betting shops and gambling halls are proliferating while young people spend hours there, society must ask what vacuum is being filled. A youth organization could conduct research, engage regulators, work with religious leaders and develop alternative programmes in sports, entrepreneurship, technology and vocational training. Condemnation alone will not solve the problem.

Social Media Has Created another Leadership Crisis

We also have to worry about the language used by some young people on social media. The internet has democratized speech. But it has also democratized irresponsibility. People insult chiefs. They insult elders. They fabricate stories. They attack opponents with ethnic and political language. They hide behind anonymous accounts. And sometimes even people who should know better participate. The answer is not censorship of legitimate criticism.

Dagbon needs civic education. Young people must understand that freedom of expression comes with responsibility. Criticism of chiefs and political leaders is legitimate. Insults, threats, defamation and deliberate misinformation are another matter. A strong youth association could organize regular civic and media-literacy programmes, working with journalists, lawyers, educators, religious leaders and traditional authorities.

The Land Question Cannot be ignored

Perhaps one of the most consequential issues has to do with land. Tamale and other parts of Dagbon have experienced rapid urban expansion. Land values have risen significantly. This creates opportunities, but also risks. How are lands allocated? Who receives the proceeds? Are transactions documented? Do buyers receive proper documentation? Are traditional authorities and families maintaining transparent records? What proportion of land-related revenue is invested in community development? These questions should not be asked as accusations against individual chiefs. They should be asked as questions of institutional governance.

A modern traditional area cannot continue to rely entirely on informal arrangements when land has become one of its most valuable economic assets. Dagbon needs stronger land governance, documentation, accountability and dispute-resolution mechanisms.

Women must be Part of the Conversation

There is another dimension that deserves greater attention: women. A youth development agenda that is essentially about young men is incomplete. Young women face their own challenges in education, employment, entrepreneurship, marriage, divorce, inheritance and access to property. The question of divorce is particularly important. Where marriages end, the economic consequences can be devastating, especially for women who have sacrificed educational and employment opportunities for the family.

Dagbon needs serious conversations about marriage, divorce, maintenance, children's welfare, inheritance and women's economic security. These discussions should involve Islamic scholars, customary authorities, lawyers, women leaders, social workers and young people themselves. Again, this is precisely where a serious youth institution could contribute.

Chiefs Cannot Do Everything, but They Must help Build Institutions

It would be unfair to place every failure in Dagbon at the feet of chiefs. Traditional leaders operate within a changing constitutional and social environment. They are not municipal chief executives, ministers or Members of Parliament. But they have enormous moral and social authority. They can convene. They can encourage. They can mediate. They can support youth initiatives. They can help create platforms for professionals. They can encourage education. They can insist on accountability. And they can provide legitimacy to institutions that serve the people.

The role of the chief in the 21st century must therefore extend beyond presiding over ceremonies. A chief who helps build durable institutions may ultimately achieve more for his people than one who merely commands a large following.

Dagbon Needs a New Social Compact

Perhaps what Dagbon needs most is a new social compact among its traditional authorities, political leaders, youth, professionals, women, religious scholars and civil society. The compact should contain some basic principles: Dagbon first, party second. Not because political parties are unimportant, but because political parties come and go while communities remain. Traditional authority must be respected, but respect must not mean immunity from constructive criticism. Youth organizations must be independent of political parties. Development must be evidence-based and measurable. Land administration must become more transparent. Young people must be treated as partners in development, not merely as crowds for political rallies and traditional ceremonies. Women must have a meaningful place in development planning. Professionals at home and abroad must be deliberately mobilized. And perhaps most importantly: Every generation must leave behind institutions stronger than the ones it inherited.

What should a Revived Dagbon Youth Organisation look like?

I would go further than simply calling for the revival of DAYA. Dagbon needs a modern, professional and genuinely representative youth institution. It should have: A permanent secretariat, a reliable membership database, branches throughout Dagbon and in the diaspora, annual national congresses, transparent elections, audited accounts, a professional website and digital communication platform, a database of Dagbon professionals and entrepreneurs, a youth employment and internship desk, an education and scholarship desk, an entrepreneurship and investment desk, a women's and gender-development desk, a research and policy unit, a civic education and media-literacy programme, and a peace building and conflict-prevention programme.

An Annual State of Dagbon Youth Report.

Imagine a situation in which every year the Dagbon youth congress publishes a report answering:

• How many young people are unemployed?
• How many have graduated?
• How many businesses have been created?
• How many scholarships have been awarded?
• What is happening to drug abuse?
• What is happening to school dropout?
• What is happening to sanitation?
• What is happening to land governance?
• What policies should government adopt?
• What can Dagbon itself do without waiting for government?

That would be a youth organization worthy of the name.

Let Us Not Romanticize other Communities

At the same time, Dagbon should not romanticize Gonjaland, Mamprugu or Konkomba organisations. Every community has its own problems. No youth association is perfect. There are internal disputes, political pressures, resource constraints and leadership challenges. The point is not that these communities have solved everything. The point is that they have demonstrated the possibility of institutional continuity and collective mobilization.

The Gonjaland example is especially compelling because its annual congress has survived changes in political administrations and generations of youth leaders. Its programmes have included issues as diverse as land, natural resources, peace, investment and socio-economic development. That is what Dagbon should study, not copy mechanically.

And What of Lawyer Ibrahim Mahama?

Basiru's reference to Lawyer Ibrahim Mahama should be treated as a broader institutional warning rather than a personal attack. If any individual --- businessman, politician, chief, cleric or professional --- appears to exercise enormous influence over the affairs of a community, the appropriate question is: Why are the community's own institutions not strong enough to provide balance? The answer should not be another powerful individual. It should be stronger institutions. Dagbon should not need a "saviour". It needs systems.

A functioning youth organization, a professional development forum, stronger traditional institutions, credible civil society, accountable local government and responsible political leadership would make it much harder for any individual to dominate the collective agenda. That is how mature societies work.

My Thoughts: The Center must hold

The late Ya-Na Abukari Mahama II leaves behind a powerful legacy of peace and reconciliation. The new Regent has pledged to preserve the structures and relationships built during his father's reign. That provides an opportunity. Dagbon should use this moment not merely to mourn a king or debate a festival, but to ask what kind of society it wants to build after the mourning ends.

The Damba suspension is temporary. The challenges confronting Dagbon's youth are not. A festival will return. But will the youth have jobs? Will they have institutions? Will they have opportunities? Will they have leaders capable of bringing them together? Will political differences continue to define every aspect of community life? Will traditional authorities, political leaders and professionals work together? Will the next generation inherit a stronger Dagbon than the one we inherited? These are the questions that matter.

William Butler Yeats wrote ‘The Second Coming’ in the aftermath of the First World War and the upheavals of his time. Its famous image of the falcon flying so far that it loses contact with the falconer has become a metaphor for the breakdown of social order and the weakening of institutions. The poem's broader image is one in which "the center" struggles to hold. It is a powerful metaphor for any society whose institutions are weakening. But I would not say that Dagbon's center has collapsed. Not yet.

Dagbon has enormous human capital. It has chiefs. It has scholars. It has professionals. It has politicians on both sides of the political divide. It has businessmen and women. It has academics. It has a large diaspora. It has religious institutions. It has universities and schools. It has young people with extraordinary energy. What is missing is not necessarily talent. It is coordination.

The challenge before Dagbon is therefore not simply to find new leaders. It is to build institutions that make good leadership possible, and make bad leadership difficult. That is why Basiru Bejejugu's question about the Dagbon youth association deserves serious public discussion.

Where is the institutional voice of the Dagbon youth? Perhaps the answer should no longer be, "Nobody knows." Perhaps the time has come for Dagbon's youth to organize themselves, not against chiefs, not against political parties, not against other ethnic groups, but for Dagbon. And when they do, their first congress should not be about who supports NDC or NPP. It should ask a much more fundamental question: What kind of Dagbon do we want to hand over to our children? That is the conversation we should be having.

FUSEINI ABDULAI BRAIMAH
+233208282575 / +233550558008
afusb55@gmail.com

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