Igbophobia will only bring more pain to Nigeria

Before the Nigerian civil war of 1967 to 1970, the Igbo were widely admired for their remarkable culture of solidarity, their mutual trust and collective advancement in entrepreneurial dexterity. Whether in Lagos, Kano, Jos, Port Harcourt, Enugu, Accra Johannesburg, Frankfurt, Tokyo, London, New York, or elsewhere, an Igbo citizen genuinely regarded any other Igbo as a brother or sister. And although dialectical differences existed, they were secondary to a larger Igbo identity. The popular saying was, Igbo bu ofu, the Igbo are one. And that was more than a slogan. It was a way of life. The unity of Igbo citizens was institutionalized through such organizations as the Igbo Union, which had branches across Nigeria and overseas. The organization served as a coordinating platform for the welfare of Ndigbo no matter where they resided globally. It was a platform for dispute resolution among them, for their cultural preservation and their collective decision-making process. And once resolutions were reached through consultation, every Igbo whether they were men or women, boys or girls, even infants complied generally because they had trust in their leadership and believed in the common good.

This trust became one of the greatest assets of the Igbo nation. It fuelled a unique economic system that would later attract global attention, the Igbo apprenticeship model. Long before economists and development experts began studying it, the system had already become one of the most successful indigenous wealth-distribution mechanisms in the world. The apprenticeship system was built on trust, discipline, sacrifice and shared prosperity. A young boy, often from a poor family, would be entrusted to a successful trader. For five to seven years, he would learn the business while living under the care of his master. The apprentice received no salary. Instead, he was taught the intricacies of commerce, customer relations, bookkeeping, sourcing, transportation and business management. At the end of the agreed period, the master would “settle” the apprentice by providing him with a kick-off capital, goods, equipment or even a fully stocked shop. The apprentice would then establish his own enterprise and initially even collect goods on credit from his former master and pay after sales because of the trust that existed. In turn, he would train others. The result was a continuous cycle of wealth creation that lifted countless families out of poverty.

What made the system extraordinary was that it operated largely without formal contracts, lawyers or banks. It depended entirely on mutual trust. The apprentice trusted that the master would settle him honestly. And he did. The master trusted that the apprentice would remain loyal and diligent throughout the training period. And he did. Communities enforced ethical conduct through social pressure and moral expectations for this model to produce thousands of entrepreneurs and transform the Igbo into one of the most commercially dynamic populations in Africa. In many respects, it demonstrated how social capital can become a powerful economic tool or resource. That was the situation before the unfortunate civil war.

The civil war left scars that extended beyond mere physical destruction. It devastated communities, wiped out savings, displaced millions of citizens from their ancestral homes and shattered long-established social networks. While the Igbo demonstrated remarkable resilience in rebuilding their lives, the conflict also altered relationships among many of the people. Gradually, cracks began to appear in the foundation of trust that had sustained Igbo society for generations. Situations began to emerge of masters refusing to settle apprentices after years of service. Some would falsely accuse their apprentices of theft or misconduct as a pretext for avoiding settlement obligations. Apprentices who had sacrificed their youth in expectation of a future opportunity suddenly found themselves disgraced and abandoned. Some apprentices who had lost confidence in the integrity of the system, fearing they might never be settled, practically resorted to stealing from their masters, believing they were taking what they deserved. Such actions further eroded trust and reinforced suspicions on both sides. As trust weakened, the social fabric that had once held the Igbo community together became increasingly strained.

The decline of confidence among the Igbo was not only reflected in commerce but also in politics, advocacy and community organization. For example, the pre-war era witnessed the dominance of one central platform through which the Igbo collectively articulated their aspirations. On the contrary, the post-war period saw the emergence of numerous organizations claiming to represent Igbo interests. Today, the landscape includes Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), the World Igbo Congress (WIC), the Igbo World Assembly (IWA), Nzukó Umunna (NU) Eastern Consultative Assembly (ECA), Biafra Zion Movement (BZM), Biafra Independent Movement (BIM), the Coalition of South-East Youth Leaders (COSEYL), the Alaigbo Development Foundation (ADF), Igbo Bu Igbo (IBI), Oganihu Ndigbo Foundation (ONF) and several others. Historically, organizations like the Igbo Union, the Igbo National Assembly, Njikó Igbo Forum and the South-East Council of Traditional Rulers also played significant roles in advancing regional interests.

As a matter of fact, there is nothing inherently wrong with organizational diversity. Different groups can focus on different priorities such as culture, education, investment, youth development, governance reform, regional security or self-determination efforts. Diversity of opinion is often a sign of a healthy democratic society. The problem arises when organizations become rivals rather than partners; when personal ambition overshadows collective purpose; when leaders spend more time discrediting one another than addressing the challenges that face their people and when criticism degenerates into outright hostility.

As of now, one of the most troubling tendencies within contemporary Igbo public life is the readiness of some individuals to attack, undermine or delegitimize fellow Igbo who attempt to occupy positions of social or political influence. This tendency, regarded as fratricidal behaviour, weakens the collective bargaining power of Ndigbo as a community in need of showing true light to the Nigerian state. While it is true that every society has internal disagreements, successful societies learn to manage those disagreements without destroying one another. Political competition should not become mutual destruction. Intellectual disagreement should not become character assassination. Leadership contests should not become permanent feuds because the consequences of internal division can be profound.

Despite the enormous contributions of the Igbo to Nigeria's economic, educational, scientific and entrepreneurial development, the South-East continues to struggle for political cohesion. Since the return to democratic governance in 1999, discussions about national inclusion, equity and power-sharing have remained prominent features of Nigerian political discourse. The Igbo nation has practically produced some of Nigeria's most distinguished statesmen, entrepreneurs, scholars, military officers, industrialists and professionals. Across every state of the federation, Igbo traders and investors contribute significantly to local economies. Igbo businesses generate employment opportunities, stimulate commerce and strengthen inter-regional economic integration. The entrepreneurial energy of the Igbo has become one of the engines that drives Nigeria's formal and informal economies.

Markets built and sustained largely by Igbo traders have continued to serve millions of Nigerians irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political leaning. There are the Dei Dei Building Materials market in Abuja, the Ariaria International Market in Aba, the Jimeta Modern Market in Adamawa, the Onitsha Main Market in Anambra State, the Muda Lawal Market in Bauchi, the Zaki Biam Yam Market in Benue, the Monday Market in Borno, the Watt Market in Cross River, the Ogbogonogo Market in Delta, Oba Market in Edo State, Ogbete Main Market in Enugu, Eke Ukwu Owerri Market in Imo, Kaduna Central Market; Kurmi and Kantin Kwari Markets in Kano, the Balogun Market, Alaba International Market and Computer Village in Lagos. Others are the Kure Ultra-Modern Market in Niger, Lafenwa Market in Ogun, Bodija Market in Oyo, Oil Mill Market in Rivers, Kasuwar Daji Market in Sokoto and in Taraba State, Wukari Market.

In education, medicine, engineering, law, academia, information technology and the creative industries, Igbo professionals have not only made Nigeria proud, they have continued to occupy positions of excellence even internationally. This is why the future of Nigeria cannot be separated from the future of its Igbo population. When the Igbo thrive, Nigeria benefits. When the Igbo are marginalized, divided or weakened, Nigeria loses an important source of innovation, investment and national cohesion. At a time insecurity, unemployment, inflation, poverty and declining public trust are a major threat to national stability, Nigeria requires the contributions of all its constituent groups. The country cannot afford a marginalized South-East any more than it can afford instability in any other region. The challenge is not merely political. It is civilizational. Now is the time for the Igbo to decide whether they will continue to dissipate their energy through internal conflicts or channel their resources toward the collective advancement their fellow Nigerians. The answer will not only shape the future of the Nigeria but also the future of the South-East itself.

Already, one very important practical step that they have taken is the restoration of a credible central coordinating mechanism capable of harmonizing diverse viewpoints. Ohanaeze Ndigbo, despite its imperfections, remains the most widely recognized umbrella-body of Igbo people. Ohanaeze should, therefore, convene a broad congress involving traditional rulers, youth organizations, professional associations, religious leaders, business groups, women leaders, Diaspora organizations and advocacy movements. The objective would not be to eliminate differences but to create a framework for cooperation. Each organization should retain its identity while they all agree to work within a common strategic vision.

Such a vision should prioritize economic development, security, education, cultural preservation, youth empowerment and constructive political engagement within the Nigerian federation. The Igbo also need a renewed social covenant that will again be based on trust. They must reform and protect their original apprenticeship system. New mechanisms should be developed to ensure accountability for both masters and apprentices. Community arbitration panels, written agreements and transparent settlement practices can help restore confidence in a system that has historically generated prosperity for millions.

Parents, religious institutions and community leaders must also emphasize such values as honesty, loyalty, integrity and service. Economic advancement without moral discipline eventually leads to social decay. Furthermore, successful Igbo individuals should consciously mentor younger generations. Rather than view emerging talents as threats, established leaders should see them as investments in the future because every Igbo knows that a culture that celebrates collective success will always outperform a culture that is driven by envy and mutual suspicion.

The media also has an important role to play. Instead of always amplifying division and controversy when and if they ever arise among Ndigbo, media platforms should highlight examples of cooperation, innovation and community achievement. Positive narratives inspire confidence and encourage constructive engagement. Political leaders must likewise exercise restraint in their rhetoric. Elections come and go, but communities endure. Therefore, temporary political disagreements should not be allowed to create permanent social fractures among Ndigbo.

As Nigeria moves toward future electoral contests, many citizens across different regions are searching for the right leadership that will be capable of addressing the country's numerous challenges. Whatever political preferences individuals may hold, the larger lesson remains that no candidate, party or movement can succeed without broad-based support, institutional cooperation and national unity. The struggle against insecurity, corruption, poverty and poor governance transcends ethnicity. It requires Nigerians from every background to work together in pursuit of common objectives. For the Igbo, this means recognizing that internal hostility serves no useful purpose. Every attack on a fellow Igbo weakens the collective voice of the region. Every act of betrayal undermines the trust that is being restored. Every unnecessary division creates opportunities for others to exploit any perceived fractures in the now ripe Igbo mission to rescue Nigeria.

History offers important lessons here. The same people who once built one of Africa's most successful systems of mutual economic advancement must possess the capacity to rebuild trust and solidarity among themselves. The same entrepreneurial spirit that transformed devastated communities after the Nigerian civil war can still be harnessed to transform contemporary national challenges into opportunities. The future does not have to mirror the divisions of the past. Today, Nigeria and Ndigbo stand at crossroads. Rising insecurity, economic hardship and social tensions demand visionary leadership and responsible citizenship. In such circumstances, no ethnic group can afford self-inflicted wounds on itself.

The Igbo have already contributed too much to Nigeria's development to remain trapped in cycles of internal conflict. They still have a lot more to contribute. Their history demonstrates the power of unity. Their achievements demonstrate the benefits of cooperation. Their future depends upon rediscovering both. Igbophobic tendencies may provide temporary satisfaction to those driven by rivalry, resentment or ambition. But the ultimate consequence is collective loss. Communities that are weakened from within, for whatever reason, cannot effectively confront external challenges. If Nigeria is to overcome the crises confronting it, the country will need the full participation of a united, confident and forward-looking Igbo nation.

Today, Igboland, like Nigeria, stands at cross roads. The recent kidnapping from their schools, torture and killing of three and four year-old children alongside some of their teachers calls the Nigerian government to a deep question. Why do all these evils happen and government and its officials appear to be unconcerned, unmoved and give the world the impression that they are more concerned with their election campaigns for 2027? Has the Nigerian government no conscience anymore? How can anyone ever explain this madness that has beclouded the Nigerian state?

One thing is obvious, though. The path forward does not lie in continued mutual destruction but in mutual support. It does not lie in suspicion but in trust, not in division but in cooperation. The lesson is simple and urgent: when brothers fight endlessly among themselves, everyone loses. When brothers work together in mutual respect and harmony, the entire nation will prosper. So, let Nigerians realize that whatever it is, anti-Igbo sentiments will only do more damage to the nation at a time every well-meaning Nigerian feels that enough is enough, and that the citizens need a new version of the Nigeria they inherited from Great Britain.

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