When Government Changes, Everything Changes: The Cost of Political Discontinuity in Ghana

In this thought-provoking analysis, I examine Ghana’s recurring pattern of “political discontinuity,” where every change in government brings an avalanche of new policies, rebranding, and system replacements. The article questions whether these are truly state-driven reforms or party-motivated overhauls, and calls for a national legal framework to safeguard institutional continuity.

In Ghana, every political transition feels like the dawn of a new republic. When the New Patriotic Party (NPP) takes over from the National Democratic Congress (NDC), or vice versa, almost everything changes --- from the names of public institutions to the logos on letterheads, and from the design of passports to the specifications of electricity meters. Even when the same laws and institutions remain, their systems, symbols, and sometimes their purposes, are dramatically redefined.

Take, for instance, the Ministry of Education, which has been a constant victim of political reinvention. Under President John Kufuor (2001–2008), the Educational Reform Programme introduced the 4-year Senior High School system. When the NDC under President John Atta Mills assumed office in 2009, the duration was reversed back to three years. Later, under President Nana Akufo-Addo, the Free SHS policy was introduced, altering not just the financing structure but also the curriculum and examination timelines. Each reform came with new textbooks, new committees, and new costs, often without thorough assessment of what worked or failed before.

Similarly, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has redesigned the Ghanaian passport at least three times since 2005. The biometric passport introduced by the NDC government in 2010 replaced the machine-readable one from the Kufuor era. Then, under the NPP in 2017, the passport was again redesigned with new security features, new application procedures, and new printing contracts. Holders of older passports were compelled to reapply, at a cost to citizens and the state.

In the power sector, the Volta River Authority (VRA) and the Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) have changed electricity meters multiple times in barely two decades. From the old analog meters of the 1990s to prepaid systems introduced in 2007, smart cards in 2013, and “smart prepaid meters” in 2020, each wave came with a new vendor, new tariffs, and fresh procurement contracts. A consumer who bought a prepaid meter in 2012, for example, could not use the same card in 2018. Many meters became obsolete overnight.

The Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority (DVLA) is another example of this culture of serial reinvention. The agency has changed not only number plates but also driving licenses several times. Before 2007, drivers held laminated paper licenses that were easily damaged. In 2007, the NPP government introduced the first plastic card license with a magnetic strip. In 2013, under the NDC, the format changed again to include 2D barcodes and holographic features. Then, in 2017, the NPP rolled out the smart card driving license, equipped with microchips and a digital verification system. Each change required expensive procurement contracts, retraining, and new verification machines. Older licenses were phased out, rendering many valid licenses invalid before their expiry dates.

Similarly, vehicle number plates have been changed several times. In 2004, the DVLA moved from the “AS 1234 W” format to the “AS 1234-09” system. By 2013, the design was altered again with enhanced security features. Under the NPP in 2017, reflective plates embedded with microchips were introduced --- another complete overhaul of the system.

The Electoral Commission (EC) offers perhaps the most glaring example of wasteful discontinuity. In 2012, the EC, under Dr. Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, spent millions of cedis on biometric voter registration equipment. When the NDC left office in 2016, the new EC leadership under Jean Mensa argued that the machines were obsolete. In 2020, a brand new biometric system was procured for over GH¢400 million, rendering the previous ones useless. All this happened within eight years, even though the earlier machines could have been upgraded.

State or Party Policy?
The question many Ghanaians ask is: are these state policies or party policies? In theory, these are state institutions, funded by taxpayers and bound by the national interest. But in practice, the ruling party often treats them as extensions of its political machinery. Once in power, the line between state and party becomes blurred. Appointees feel compelled to “rebrand” to please their political masters. It has become almost a tradition that every new administration must “erase the past” --- rename, repaint, or repackage. The National Youth Employment Programme (NYEP), created by the NPP in 2006, was rebranded as the Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Development Agency (GYEEDA) by the NDC in 2010, and later renamed the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) by the NPP again in 2017. The Savannah Accelerated Development Authority (SADA) created by the NDC in 2010 became the Northern Development Authority (NDA) under the NPP in 2018. Even monuments are renamed to reflect new political sentiments --- the Jubilee House became the Flagstaff House under the NDC, and then reverted to Jubilee House under the NPP.

At the local government level, new Municipal and District Chief Executives (MCEs/DCEs) often halt or abandon projects initiated by their predecessors. Streetlights, poles, and signage are replaced to reflect new contractors and new political colors. The cycle is endless, and costly.

Does the Constitution Regulate These Changes?

Surprisingly, Ghana’s 1992 Constitution is largely silent on such matters. While it outlines the separation of powers and guarantees the independence of certain bodies (like the EC, CHRAJ, or the Judiciary), it says little about institutional continuity in public administration. There is no constitutional or statutory provision requiring governments to maintain policies or systems they inherit, unless tied to legal contracts or parliamentary acts. This vacuum allows political discretion to masquerade as policy reform. The result is instability, waste, and inefficiency. Millions of cedis are lost redesigning systems that were perfectly functional, simply because a new government wants to leave its mark.

The Cost of Discontinuity
This cycle of political discontinuity has three major costs:

1. Financial Waste: Each rebranding or redesign exercise comes with huge procurement costs --- new contracts, new machines, new training, and public education.
2. Institutional Instability: Constant changes undermine institutional memory. Experienced staff are replaced by political loyalists unfamiliar with prior systems.
3. Public Distrust: Citizens lose confidence in state institutions when each new administration behaves as though history begins with them.

A Case for a Legal Framework
Ghana urgently needs a National Policy Continuity Act --- a law that ensures major public projects, administrative reforms, and institutional designs follow standardized, non-partisan procedures. Such a framework could require:

• Independent evaluation of existing systems before replacement.
• Parliamentary approval for large-scale rebranding or equipment changes.
• Public disclosure of cost-benefit analyses before any new system rollout.
• A National Public Continuity Commission to publish annual transition audits.

This would not prevent innovation but would ensure that policy reform builds upon what exists rather than discarding it.

A Call for Order
Ghana’s democracy cannot mature if every election resets the state. Continuity does not mean stagnation; it means respect for national resources, institutional memory, and long-term planning. What we need is not another logo, another number plate, or another electricity meter, but a consistent vision that outlives political transitions. Until that happens, every new administration will continue to act like a new landlord repainting the house, while the foundation weakens beneath us all.

FUSEINI ABDULAI BRAIMAH
+233208282575 / +233550558008
afusb55@gmail.com

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