Galamsey and the Gold Board: Ghana’s Future Cannot Be Built on Weakness
The fight against illegal mining in Ghana, popularly called galamsey, is not new. It has spanned successive governments, yet the menace has only worsened, poisoning our rivers, destroying arable lands, and robbing the country of billions in revenue. From the period of Prof. John Evans Atta-Mills to Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, promises have been made, slogans crafted, and institutions reshuffled. But one thread runs through: lack of political will and weak institutions.
From Mills to Akufo-Addo: A Lost Battle
When Prof. John Evans Atta-Mills assumed office in 2009, Ghana was already grappling with the surge of illegal mining. His administration recognized the environmental threat, and attempts were made to regulate the small-scale mining sector through the Minerals Commission and the Precious Minerals Marketing Company (PMMC). Yet, enforcement was limited. Chiefs and local authorities quietly tolerated galamsey because it provided livelihood for thousands of young men. With youth unemployment rising, Mills’ government avoided an outright confrontation with illegal miners.
In hindsight, Prof. Mills was cautious, perhaps too cautious. His focus on peace and consensus meant that galamsey was left to fester in the shadows, waiting to explode. When John Mahama took over after Prof. Mills’ death in 2012, the galamsey crisis had escalated. River bodies such as the Pra, Offin, Ankobra, and Birim were already turning brown from mercury and cyanide pollution. While Nana Akufo-Addo was campaigning in 2016 on the promise of fighting galamsey “with his presidency,” Mahama was giving assurances to illegal miners that they could keep digging. His government never demonstrated a clear, decisive intention to stop the menace. Back on the campaign trail in 2024, John Mahama promised to sanitize galamsey. Instead of bold enforcement, Mahama’s government flirted with a controversial idea --- the creation of a GOLDBOD modeled after COCOBOD. The Board was meant to buy gold from small-scale miners, formalize their activities, and increase state revenue. If anything, the GOLDBOD sent the wrong message: that galamsey was here to stay, and the state was preparing to legitimize it.
Mahama’s establishment of the GOLDBOD thus deepened the suspicion that Ghana’s political elite lacked the courage to confront illegal mining. After all, many galamsey operators were politically connected, and the revenues from illicit gold quietly greased party machinery. Akufo-Addo, on the other hand, rode to power in 2016 with perhaps the boldest anti-galamsey promise in Ghana’s history. He declared his commitment to put his presidency on the line to end illegal mining. The early days were dramatic: taskforces were deployed, excavators seized, and some Chinese nationals arrested. The “Operation Vanguard” and “Operation Galamstop” initiatives suggested a government finally ready to confront the menace. For a brief moment, hope flickered. Some river bodies cleared up, and the message was loud. But soon, cracks appeared. Reports emerged of seized excavators mysteriously disappearing. Arrested illegal miners were quietly released. Party officials were fingered in protecting operators in their constituencies. By his second term, Akufo-Addo himself admitted publicly that the fight against galamsey had failed. In fact, he went as far as apologizing to Ghanaians, acknowledging that the menace had overwhelmed his administration. This was a damning confession.
Across these three administrations, one thing is clear: Ghana has never lacked institutions to tackle galamsey. What has been missing is political courage. The Minerals Commission licenses miners, the Precious Minerals Marketing Commission (PMMC) buys and markets gold, the EPA protects the environment, and the police enforce the law. Chiefs, too, hold traditional authority over lands where galamsey thrives. District Chief Executives (DCEs) and police commanders are the frontline leaders on the ground. Yet, they are either silent or complicit.
Why the Gold Board Misses the Mark
John Mahama’s idea of a Gold Board was no doubt born out of frustration with the unregulated gold sector. The model was simple: if COCOBOD could buy cocoa from farmers, stabilize prices, and channel resources into community development, why couldn’t Ghana create a similar body for gold? On the surface, this sounds innovative. But in practice, it is deeply flawed.
Gold and cocoa are fundamentally different commodities. Cocoa is cultivated in defined areas, harvested in seasons, and produced by farmers who can be registered and monitored. Gold, on the other hand, is extracted, often violently, from rivers, forest reserves, and dangerous pits. Its production is not seasonal but speculative, chaotic, and often destructive. A GOLDBOD would therefore not regulate; it would only incentivize galamseyers to dig more, knowing that the state is ready to buy.
Ghana already has institutions capable of performing the functions Mahama envisioned. The PMMC exists to buy and market gold. The Minerals Commission licenses and supervises small-scale mining. The EPA and the Forestry Commission are tasked with protecting our environment. Creating a Gold Board only duplicates these roles, adding another bureaucratic layer without addressing the core problem --- enforcement.
If Mahama truly wanted to tackle galamsey, he should have empowered existing agencies, invested in their logistics, and demanded accountability from them. Instead, his message to galamseyers was reassuring: keep digging, the government will create a structure to buy from you. That is not leadership. That is appeasement.
Who Should Lead the Fight?
The fight against galamsey is not won in Accra with new boards and taskforces. It is won in the districts and villages where excavators roar at night and rivers are poisoned at dawn. This is why the true frontline leaders must be:
- Chiefs, who control the lands where galamsey thrives.
- District Chief Executives (DCEs), who are the President’s representatives.
- District police commanders, who have the authority to arrest and prosecute.
If these local actors are empowered, resourced, and held accountable, the war on galamsey will shift from rhetoric to results. A President in Accra cannot stop galamsey if the local chief, the DCE, and the police commander have decided to look the other way.
Declaring a State of Emergency
It is time for Ghana to face the truth: galamsey is not a “small illegal mining issue.” It is a full-blown national security threat. Our rivers, once sources of life, are now toxic streams. According to the Water Resources Commission, the Pra and Ankobra rivers are so polluted that treatment plants struggle to produce potable water. The Ghana Water Company has repeatedly warned that if galamsey continues, the cost of producing safe drinking water will skyrocket beyond what ordinary citizens can afford. This is why the President must declare a state of emergency on illegal mining. Such a declaration will marshal the police, military, and all state institutions into a coordinated, uncompromising fight. It will empower chiefs, DCEs, and police commanders to act decisively without political fear. And it will send a strong message that Ghana is no longer joking with its future.
As part of this emergency, all foreign nationals engaged in galamsey --- particularly the Chinese who have gained notoriety in this sector, must be arrested and deported. Excavators and bulldozers seized should be redirected to productive national projects. Imagine dozens of excavators digging canals for the Pwalugu Multi-Purpose Dam --- a project that, once completed, could provide 25,000 hectares of irrigated farmland and create thousands of jobs in the Upper East. That is how you turn a national crisis into an opportunity.
Jobs, Not Pits, for the Youth
At the heart of galamsey is unemployment. For thousands of young men, the pits are the only source of quick income. But the cost is deadly: collapsing tunnels, mercury poisoning, and a destroyed environment. If government is serious, it must create sustainable alternatives. Agriculture remains the most obvious option. With proper irrigation, Ghana’s northern regions could become breadbaskets, absorbing thousands of youth into productive farming. The Youth in Agriculture Programme should be revived and expanded, but this time linked to guaranteed markets and agro-processing factories. Instead of wasting their energy in the pits, young men could be cultivating rice, maize, and vegetables on irrigated lands. Reforestation and eco-tourism offer another path. Forest reserves ravaged by galamsey can be replanted, with youth employed in tree-planting brigades. Restored forests could then support eco-tourism, creating jobs in guiding, hospitality, and conservation. Finally, small-scale mining itself can be reformed, but only under strict cooperative models. Youth could be organized into licensed cooperatives, trained in safe mining techniques, and monitored by the Minerals Commission. Such cooperatives would use controlled equipment, avoid rivers and forest reserves, and sell only to PMMC. This way, mining is not outlawed, but disciplined.
The Citizen’s Plea
Ghana is at a crossroads. We cannot continue with cosmetic solutions like the GOLDBOD, which send wrong signals and encourage galamsey. Or we can take bold, painful decisions --- declare a state of emergency, deport foreigners, seize and repurpose excavators, and create jobs that give our youth dignity. We need drones for operational areas and for reaching outlandish areas in this fight. Every Ghanaian must understand: this is not just about gold. This is about survival. Without clean rivers, we cannot drink. Without arable land, we cannot farm. Without forests, we cannot breathe. Galamsey is a slow national suicide.
As a concerned citizen, I plead with our leaders: stop playing politics with our future. We do not need another board or committee. We need courage. We need chiefs who say no to bribes, DCEs who enforce the law, and police commanders who arrest without fear. We need a President who will rise above partisanship and declare a national emergency. If we fail, the day will come when Ghana imports drinking water, when our farmlands are deserts, and when our rivers are remembered only in songs. That will be our collective shame. Let us act now, with the urgency this crisis demands.
FUSEINI ABDULAI BRAIMAH
+233208282575 / +233550558008
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Ghanaian essayist and information provider whose writings weave research, history and lived experience into thought-provoking commentary.
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