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Election 2016 In Ghana: Youth, Beware Of ‘Violent Conflict Entreprenuers’

By A. Karim Issifu
Opinion Election 2016 In Ghana: Youth, Beware Of Violent Conflict Entreprenuers
JUL 14, 2016 LISTEN

Introduction
Greetings Fellow Compatriots. Election year is here with us again, and for the first time, I am writing you a ‘Peace Letter’. I shall write you again in the post-election era, somewhere in January 2017, to commend or condemn you, concerning your role in the outcome of the elections. Since, I do not want any of you to tell me if you had understood my ‘Peace Letter’ you would have done or not do what you did, I am writing you this self-explanatory letter, which is different from the traditional/formal letter or an article. I will first explain to you the meaning of peace, secondly, I will open your eyes to the global respect for Ghana’s peace process, and tell you the effects of conflicts, including electoral violence, and warn you against certain ‘electoral violence entrepreneurs’ who may want to use you (the youth) to cause violence in order for them to make a profit.

The Meaning of Peace
Traditionally, peace has been associated with the absence of war and other forms of large-scale violent conflicts, which Galtung refers to as negative peace Galtung (1996). Galtung argues that negative peace is a perception of peace produced when forces from inside or outside of an individual, relationship, or community function to avoid or suppress the reality of violent conflict. Murithi (2009) adds that positive peace postulate the presence of negative peace (absence of war or violence) together with social, economic and political justice. Generally, peace is defined as a state of freedom, rest, quietness, and calmness and, especially respite from war and civil disorders.

Adding to the previous assertions, Marfo (2014) postulates that peace is a web of safety, welfare, justice, prosperity and respect. Marfo reiterates that peace is construed as a state of being devoid of destruction, fear, harm, threat or physical attack together with socio-economic justice. As Francis (2004) rightly puts, peace is a valuable public good, it is also the basis for development. In a similar vein, Quantson (2003) add that peace is the basis for survival, stability, security and progress; hence, nobody can controvert the fact that there can be no meaningful progress and development in the midst of electoral violence. I am sure by this time you understand the basic meaning of peace. Now let me take you to the next stage; the reasons why Ghana is respected globally in terms of her peaceful environment.

The Global Respect for Ghana’s Peace
Ghana is among the few African countries that have not experienced any form of large-scale violence or civil war since independence in March 1957. This is why the country has often been described at both the local and international levels as an oasis of peace and stability on a continent besieged by conflicts. Ghana is considered one of the most peaceful countries in West Africa because, since 1992, the country has witnessed peaceful democratic transitions. The outcomes of the 2000, 2004, 2008 and 2012 general elections made Ghana a beacon of hope for democracy, good governance, stability and peace in Africa.

Moreover, Ghana has also played an active role in resolving conflicts and maintaining peace in the West African sub region and beyond. For instance, Ghana has been at the forefront of peace in Liberia and Sierra Leone. In addition, the Ghana Armed Forces have been instrumental in peacekeeping assignments in Rwanda, Lebanon and Cambodia. Furthermore, Ghana has accepted and hosted a significant number of refugees from some West African states like Liberia and Cote D'Ivoire. It is for this and other related reasons that the American Fund for Peace in 2009 was prompted to describe Ghana as the most peaceful and stable country in Africa.

Effects of Electoral Violence
There is no denying the fact that Africa is a continent ragged with cases of armed conflicts and struggles over political posts among others. Political power struggle is a key cause of violence among groups in Africa. Consequently, in Africa, the youth, particularly women and children are the most affected before, during and after electoral/political violence, yet, they have no role in creating them, but the most vulnerable (Issifu, 2015). For example, before the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, all Tutsi women in their youthful age were targeted and large number of them were killed and sexually abused by the Hutu. In addition, it is estimated that 250,000 Rwandese women and girls were victims of some form of sexual violence, in effect 66 per cent of the raped victims tested positive for HIV/AIDS after the genocide (Mutamba & Izabiliza, 2005).

Besides, in the DR Congo, hundreds of women were subjected to rape every week during the war, and in Darfur, gruesome rape cases have been reported (Mzvondiwa, 2007). It is also on record that at least 100,000 people were killed in the civil war in Burundi, which included many youth, aged women and children (Mpangala, 2004). This is the reason why it is argued that in Africa, the youth, especially women and children are the ‘violated during the violation, the victims of the victimization and the captured of the captives during periods of violent conflicts (Alaga, 2010). After exposing you to the effects of violence, I am confident that by this time you are fully aware of the consequences that might occur from your negative role in the forthcoming election 2016. I am also assured that you will not indulge in anything that will endanger women and girls as seen from DR Congo, Rwanda and Burundi among others.

Beware of Electoral Conflict Entreprenuers in The 2016 Polls

The youth is one of Ghana’s major resources. They represent its potential for the future and beyond. However, the Ghanaian youth is also a group that faces many challenges such as unemployment and social related problems. The lack of personal and professional growth and development standpoints for the youth has created high levels of social disaffection in many regions of the country and increasing problems of marginalised youth in many urban slum areas. This is a major disadvantage for the Ghanaian youth. As such, ‘electoral conflict entrepreneur’ takes advantage of the plights of the Ghanaian youth to cause mayhem in order for them to benefit.

The economic theory of conflict sees the manifestation of violent conflict, including electoral violence in societies as arising from the human tendency to fight over things that are materialistic in nature. The theory further argues that, few people commonly referred to as ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ economically benefit from conflict; chaos, mayhem, civil war, strife, hostility, upheaval, xenophobia etc., and would want to see violence occur, while the majority of the people are negatively affected by the violence instigated by the ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ (Faleti, 2006). These ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ could be politicians and government officials among others who take advantage in violence. For example, some politicians at times mobilise the aggrieved unemployed youth to cause violence so that they can benefit economically.

It is also the case that politicians who are knowledgeable about the electoral process and its rules and regulations perpetrate some acts of election violence. During the last biometric voter’s registration in Ghana, some politicians publicly declared that they would physically prevent applicants they deemed ineligible to register and would not abide by the regulations and procedures outlined by the Electoral Commission to deal with such cases. The electoral regulations that govern the conduct of elections in Ghana (CI. 15) clearly list people who are permitted to enter polling stations. The list includes voters, candidates and their spouses, candidate agents, persons authorized by the Electoral Commission (accredited media personnel and observers), security officers on duty, persons who are accompanying physically incapacitated voters and Electoral Commission officials. Yet, some politicians behaved contrary to the CI. 15.

It is also becoming a norm as some government officials, especially Regional Ministers and District Chief Executives go round polling stations ostensibly to supervise the electoral process without accreditation from the Electoral Commission. Meanwhile, the CI. 15 list do not include Regional Ministers and District Chief Executives so why will they arrogate to themselves the power to supervise elections when they know very well that they are not authorized to do so? Also, the use of ‘Machomen’ (most of whom are the youth) by some politicians whom I call ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ has become an emerging phenomenon in the Ghanaian political and electoral system. ‘Machomen’ are used as bodyguards of political leaders, they are used to intimidate voters, especially in areas considered to be strongholds of opposing parties, and they are also used to disrupt the electoral process where one perceives defeat. Is it not the state institutions like the Ghana Police Service with the primary responsibility of providing the required security in the electoral process? Consequently, when opposing political party agents object to their unauthorized presence (I mean the Machomen, Regional Ministers and District Chief Executives, and other politicians) at the polling station, it usually leads to confrontation and sometimes violence between their bodyguards and the agents who are diligently discharging their duties. Therefore, if these persons are not ‘electoral conflict entrepreneurs’ why will they behave so?

Interestingly, when the confrontations become violent and unembellished, some of these ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ make profits, thereby supplying small arms to the conflicting parties. Other ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ often participate in the violence because it offers them immediate economic gains via thievery and looting. As Collier (2006) rightly puts, conflicts in societies are always caused by some people called ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ who are anxious to make a profit from violence. In a similar vein, Berdal and Malone (2000) add that, social conflicts are generated by many factors, some of which are deep-seated, including the desire to make conflict a profit-making enterprise

Reflections on the Issues
Looking at the effects of violence as discussed above, I am sure that by this time we are not going to allow ourselves to be used by the so called ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ for their personal gains. In addition, a greater understanding and knowledge of the youth is important for policy making to address the challenges they face. Nothing about the youth can be changed without the youth. In order to meet the needs and expectations of the youth for them not to indulge in violence or be manipulated by the so called ‘conflict entrepreneurs’, policies should be based on comprehensive knowledge and well-researched understanding of the youth’s situation, needs and expectations, especially job creation and employment opportunities. Religious leaders and respected persons in our societies have a role to play in cautioning the youth about such ‘conflict entrepreneurs’. Finally, as I have indicated earlier, I shall come back somewhere in January 2017 to condemn or commend you for your role in the 2016 polls. Thank you.

Author Bio ([email protected])
Abdul Karim Issifu holds a BA degree in Integrated Community Development from the University for Development Studies-Ghana. He is currently an MPhil candidate (Peace and Development Studies) and a Senior Research Assistant at the Institute for Development Studies, University of Cape Coast-Ghana. Additionally, he holds membership in a number of reputable organisations and associations, including Peace and Collaborative Development Network. His research interests include conflict management and peacebuilding, and traditional conflict resolution and peacebuilding.

References
Alaga, E. (2010). Challenges for women in peacebuilding in West Africa. Policy Brief. AISA, Briefing No. 18.

Faleti, S. A. (2006). Theories of social conflicts. In G.S. Best (Ed.), Introduction to peace and conflict studies in West Africa: A Reader (pp.35–60). Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd.

Francis, D. (2004). Uniting Africa, building regional security systems. London, Sage Publications.

Galtung, J. (1996). Cultural violence: Peace by peaceful means. Journal of Peace Research (27) 3. London: Sage Publication Ltd.

Issifu, A. K. (2015). An analysis of conflicts in Ghana: The Case of Dagbon chieftaincy. The Journal of Pan African Studies, 8(6), pp. 28-44 Collier, P. (2006). Economic causes of civil conflict and their implications for policy. Oxford: Oxford University.

Marfo, S. (2014). Thinking of peace, democracy and politics of insults in Ghana: The paradox of freedom and culture of violence. Online Journal of Africa Affair, 3(8), 139-144.

Mpangala, G. P. (2004). Origin of political conflict and peace building in the Great Lakes region. Paper presented at the symposium "Ramifications of Instability in the Great Lakes Zones", organized by the Command and Staff College, Arusha, Burundi.

Murithi, T. (2009). The ethics of peacebuilding. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, (Preface & Chapter 1).

Mutamba, J., and Izabiliza, J. (2005). The role of women in reconciliation and peacebuilding in Rwanda: Ten Years after Genocide 1994-2004. Available at http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un/unpan031033.pdf (Accessed on 12 July 2015).

Mzvondiwa, C.N. (2007). The role of women in the reconstruction and building of peace in Rwanda: Peace prospects for the Great Lakes Region, Africa Security Review, 16:199-106. Onlinehttp://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2007.9627637. (Accessed on 4/08/15)

Quantson, K. B. (2003). National security. Accra: NAPAS VIL VENTURES.

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