Pax Aufricana: Who is paying for the African Union anyway? (2)

By E.K.Bensah Jr
In the first part of this three-parter (originally a two-parter), I referred to a piece entitled “A Stream cannot rise above its source: Financing of Africa's Regional Integration”.

It is a five-page analysis (written by the Executive Director of the CCP-AU Janah Ncube and Policy Analyst with the Open Society Foundation's AU Advocacy Program Maureen Akena). In my view, as I averred, it offers a fairly succinct view of what is happening with the African Union's finances; what are the challenges to the financing, and what models exist that can inform a change.

I concluded the first part, explaining how I would examine a bit more in detail some of the issues brought up by the report, including the role of the regional economic communities (RECs) in the context of the AU; the countries that pay most to the AU; and explore alternatives to financing that are working in the RECs of ECOWAS; UEMOA; CEMAC and ECCAS.

Bottom line is that the AU often has to wait on external funding before being able to respond to conflicts that require peacekeeping missions. The report explains “even though there is a change of leadership at the AUC, the new Chairperson may not respond any differently to crises situations if there are no resources to deploy the African Standby Force.” Given all that is happening in Mali; Somalia; Easter DRC and Guinea Bissau, it I very likely most of the funding will from donors. The report could not have put it better when it states “we cannot champion our African solutions when we can't pay for them.” This is common-sense for some of us. It seems not-so-much for our African policymakers whom I am told often go cap-in-hand to donors and the West to ask for technology transfer and “assistance.”

It goes without saying that if the AU is unable to fulfil its mandate towards the realisation of continental integration, Africans can barely be safe because we inevitably become hostage to the whims and caprices of what our donors want us to do—or want to see being done. Some question why with all these issues, any member state would want to be a member of the African Union—especially at a time when the regional economic communities, such as ECOWAS; SADC and the East African Community seem so visible.

Before we answer that, it is important to first explain who is actually paying the funds at the AU. The truth is both shocking and funny: five countries—paying $16million each—pay 66% of the AU member states contribution. These are South Africa; Nigeria; Libya; Egypt; and Algeria. The irony of it all is that many Black Africans are quick to decry that North Africans are racist and not very “African”, yet three North African countries pay the AU member states contributions. Even Ghana does not get a look-in! This inevitably means that the 34% of AU member states contributions are paid by a shocking and whopping 48 African countries. To say this is a disgrace is a supreme understatement!

The report maintains that by mid-2012, only 11(20%) of the 54 member states had fully-paid their contributions; with 19 countries owing for the current year and 24(44%) having arrears from previous years.

With these execrable statistics, how on Earth do African policymakers expect the African Union to operate? In addition, when we are confronted by the statistics of only 25 treaties out of 42 adopted at the AU having come into force, coupled with our national government's inability and pusillanimous attitude in reversing the negative trend, how can we as citizens ever expect to have anything different from the continental organisation?

These are fundamental questions that need answering. The regional economic communities seem to offer an answer. As to how exactly they respond to them is what will inform the final part.

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