A Supermajority's Burden: The NDC's Opportunity for Institutional Change

The National Democratic Congress (NDC) government, having secured both the presidency and a supermajority in Parliament, stands at a pivotal juncture in Ghana's democratic journey. This rare convergence of legislative and executive dominance positions the NDC with the unique opportunity—and burden—of enacting transformative institutional changes. However, this mandate comes with heightened expectations, as Ghanaians demand tangible improvements in governance and economic outcomes without the usual excuse of parliamentary opposition.

The current situation resembles a one-party government within the democratic framework. With the opposition of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) effectively sidelined, the NDC has unprecedented latitude in charting a new course for the nation. Under the Constitution, Parliament wields considerable powers to introduce reforms that can reshape Ghana's socio-political and economic landscape. The absence of significant parliamentary disruptions removes the gridlock often cited as a barrier to meaningful change. However, the success of this endeavor depends on whether the NDC can resist the temptations of political inertia, self-interest, and the lure of maintaining the status quo.

One area ripe for reform is the controversial ex gratia payment to Article 71 officeholders. Often criticized as excessive and unjustified, this practice has long symbolized the gap between political elites and the ordinary Ghanaian. With its legislative majority, the NDC can lead a constitutional amendment or legislative review to scrap or significantly reduce ex gratia payments. Such a move would alleviate public discontent and signal a commitment to equity and fiscal responsibility.

Similarly, the allowances granted to the Council of State and other advisory bodies demand scrutiny. While these institutions play a role in governance, their cost-effectiveness and relevance must be evaluated in Ghana's pressing economic challenges. The NDC is mandated to review these allowances, ensuring they reflect the nation's fiscal realities without undermining the advisory roles these bodies provide.

Another crucial area for reform is the bloated government structure. Ghana's oversized ministries and agencies have long been a drain on the public purse, with little evidence of corresponding efficiency. The NDC's supermajority empowers it to streamline government operations, reducing the number of ministries to enhance coordination and cut costs. A leaner government could free up resources for critical sectors such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure, benefiting Ghanaians.

In addition, a bold decision to ban the importation of new vehicles for government officials could be a robust, symbolic, and practical measure. Such a policy would reduce government expenditure and encourage using locally assembled vehicles like the Kantanka vehicles, spurring industrial growth. This decision, however, would require careful implementation to avoid unintended consequences, such as stifling legitimate private-sector imports.

They must develop strategies to eliminate the corrupt practice of contract kickbacks, which significantly reduce the funds allocated to government projects. Government contracts should be awarded directly to qualified contractors, bypassing intermediaries whose involvement often comes with illicit financial demands. Such practices divert resources meant for public development into the pockets of bureaucrats and politicians, undermining the cost-effectiveness of government investments and leaving projects underfunded or poorly executed to the detriment of the citizens they aim to serve.

Additionally, they should address revenue generation by expanding the tax base to include property owners, especially in the regional capitals and Accra, where property values run into millions of dollars, and adopting advanced technology in tax collection systems to enhance efficiency and accountability.

Accountability must remain the cornerstone of the NDC's governance agenda. With its dominance in Parliament, the NDC can strengthen oversight mechanisms to curb corruption and ensure public funds are used efficiently. The Auditor-General's reports, often riddled with revelations of mismanagement, must be acted upon decisively. By empowering state institutions like the Office of the Special Prosecutor and the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ), the NDC can establish a culture of accountability that transcends political affiliations.

Despite the immense potential for reform, the NDC faces significant challenges within the framework of Ghana's 1992 Constitution. While the Constitution provides the legal backing for many of these reforms, certain entrenched clauses—such as those governing ex gratia—require a referendum for amendment. Achieving the required public support for such constitutional changes will demand transparent communication and sustained civic engagement. Furthermore, the culture of partisan politics and entrenched interests within the NDC could hinder the government's decisiveness.

In conclusion, the NDC government's supermajority is a blessing and a test of its commitment to Ghana's development. With no credible opposition to blame, the party must embrace this rare opportunity to enact institutional changes that can address systemic inefficiencies, promote accountability, and prioritize the welfare of the people.

Failure to do so will erode public trust and squander a historic chance to redefine governance in Ghana. The path to meaningful change requires courage, discipline, and a willingness to put national interests above personal or party gains. The question is whether the NDC will rise to the occasion or succumb to the inertia that has plagued successive governments.