Comparing 2012 Elections in Sierra Leone and Ghana
5/9/2013 3:40:35 AM -
Multi-party elections were a prominent feature of Africa's political landscape in 2012, with twenty-three countries conducting polls - whether presidential, legislative or municipal across the continent.
News coverage in the mainstream media was, at times framed in cliches and stereotypes. On the eve of the Sierra Leonean elections, many media houses globally opined that Sierra Leone may be about to prove it has grown up. The preoccupation was often with little more than who is likely to win and whether there would have been violence. Rapid and diverse political transitions took place across the continent were seldom reflected upon in any depth.
The Centre for African Democratic Affairs (CADA) had a longstanding interest in the politics of Africa and therefore followed the Sierra Leone and Ghana elections on 17th November 2012 and 7th-8th December respectively closely - albeit from a distance. CADA found a number of striking similarities with the polls in both countries very interesting.
Both incumbent presidents secured enough support in the first round of voting to be declared outright winners according to the electoral Commissions in both countries. President Ernest Bai Koroma in Sierra Leone was returned to power with 58.7% of the vote. Opposition candidate Julius Maada Bio received endorsement from only 37.4% of the population. In Ghana, the electoral commission indicated that President John Dramani Mahama of National Democratic Congress (NDC) claimed 50.7% of the electorate, defeating his rival Nana Akufo-Addo of New Patriotic Party (NPP) by 325,863 votes.
The main opposition parties challenged the credibility of the electoral process. The Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) denounced the results as fraudulent, citing "systematic and widespread irregularities, malpractices and injustices that occurred on polling day", and called on its Members of Parliament and local government to boycott all proceedings. The instruction was subsequently revoked after talks with President Koroma and his All People's Congress (APC). In Ghana, the opposition NPP is refusing to accept the outcome and that its presidential candidate, running mate to the candidate and the party's chairman have taken their complaints to the Supreme Court, but pledged to accept its verdict. Even though the Petitioners (NPP) is claiming that the electoral commission added more than three million votes to the NDC's votes obtained, if they are able to prove beyond reasonable doubt that at least 150,000 votes were falsely attributed to the President Mahama they will be able to call for a re-run of the election, as the incumbent would not have received the necessary 50% plus one vote of the popular vote in the first round.
CADA believes that challenging the result of an election is a regular occurrence globally particularly in Africa. Grievances are often legitimate, but it is how politicians articulate their concerns that is of paramount importance. CADA noticed that in Sierra Leone, neither the APC nor SLPP resorted excessively to old tactics of mobilising party youth wings to intimidate rival supporters. Evidence of electoral fraud and malfeasance presented to the National Electoral Commission (NEC) by the SLPP was passed on to the police for further investigations. In Ghana, immediately the electoral commission chairman declared the election result in favour of NDC presidential candidate, Nana Akufo-Addo and NPP called on their followers to avoid any kind of violent behaviour, and wait patiently for the decision of the court since they are going to challenge the result at the Supreme Court. The imperative in the coming months is for relevant institutions in both countries to take objections leveled at the electoral process seriously, and make appropriate rulings.
It is crucial that electoral disputes are dealt with in a timely fashion. The Supreme Court in Sierra Leone took four and a half years to rule in a similar case initiated by the SLPP which accused the NEC of unlawfully annulling votes from 477 polling stations in the 2007 presidential elections. In the event, the court decided not to adjudicate, claiming that any judgement would be impossible to enforce retrospectively. If grievances are not addressed promptly, candidates or political parties might choose to bypass the law and institutions to achieve their political ends the next time round. In the meantime, both the electoral commission and judiciary are undermined.
Turnout was extremely high in both countries. In Sierra Leone, 87.3% of the registered population voted, up from 76% in 2007. In Ghana, almost 80% of voters cast their ballot, compared with about 67% in 2008. The desire to participate in elections in both countries, despite the fact that it has seemingly delivered few tangible benefits to most citizens, is conspicuous. At a Royal African Society event in London, former British High Commissioner to Sierra Leone, Peter Penfold, recalled the months of civil disobedience that occurred in Freetown shortly after the 1997 Armed Forces Revolutionary Council coup which deposed the elected government of Ahmad Tejan Kabbah. Businesses, banks, schools and colleges were closed as ordinary people sacrificed their livelihoods at immense personal cost in protest at having their democratic rights so blatantly violated. High turnout in the 2012 elections is evidence of Sierra Leoneans' enduring zeal for democracy.
A preliminary look at the final election results, by region, highlights some interesting developments. In Sierra Leone - where politics is divided along regional and ethnic lines - the APC made significant inroads into traditional SLPP strongholds. Information available to CADA shows that, in Sierra Leone, in the southern state of Kailahun, the APC secured 22.6%, up from 5% in 2007; in Pujehun, 15.5% from 3% in 2007; and in Bo, 16.7% from 10% in 2007. It remains to be seen whether this is a sign that the predominance of regional and ethnic voting is being eroded or simply a result of more tactical sharing of political and economic largesse by the APC. Such voting patterns would have been highly unlikely in the 2007 elections.
CADA gathered that in Ghana, election results from numerous constituencies appeared inconsistent. It was common for individual voters to support different parties in the parliamentary and presidential ballots. It is also interesting to note that in six of the 10 regions, votes cast for the presidential candidates were within a 10% margin and the result could well have gone either way.
The standing of the electoral management bodies in both countries was further enhanced by the considered use of technology. But the question is whether this use of technology helped the elections or not in both countries. In Sierra Leone, the National Electoral Commission chose to capture thumb prints, along with photographs, during the voter registration process. The biometric data was recorded electronically and then collated to filter out any duplicates. Only after this process were voter identification cards issued. Ghana also adopted a biometric system, with two differences. Firstly, all ten fingers were scanned which increased the chances of identifying multiple registrations though the electoral commission claimed some voters managed to undergo multiple registration during the biometric voter registration. Secondly, on polling day, voter had one of their fingers taken again as mean to verify voters and an additional precaution against multiple voting. Concerted efforts were made by both electoral commissions to ensure the impartial conduct of temporary election workers.
Information technology was also skillfully and imaginatively deployed when covering, and monitoring, the polls. Dedicated election websites were established by civil society groups. In Sierra Leone, Salonevotes.com displayed live results from polling stations plotted on a map as they were released. The website also details a vast amount of other information, including voter demographics, turnout and any procedural disputes that arose. Ghanadecides.com is an initiative by bloggers and civil society to provide information to the public about the electoral process through social media, including educational videos on registration and voting procedures, news and events. A breakdown of results is available through VoteKast Ghana.
CADA is of a firm believed that Sierra Leone and Ghana are seldom mentioned in the same breath when it comes to elections. The former is typically depicted as a fragile state recovering from a decade-long civil war, while the latter as one of Africa's most stable democracies conducting its sixth consecutive electoral cycle. But the conduct of elections in both countries have much in common - notably a commitment to accession to power through the ballot box, avoidance of violence, the use of technology to mitigate fraud, and a prominent monitoring role for civil society. Although ethnic and regional allegiances are still important, the ways in which these play out might be shifting. Challenging election result at the Supreme Court in Ghana is the most commendable which has been emulated by Kenyans election - a sign of using the rule of law to solve problems in Africa and also as a means to strengthening democracy on the continent.
In conclusion, CADA believe that, these are trends that can be identified across the African continent to varying degrees, and which should render comments about how any country has "grown up" rather irrelevant - and not a little patronizing.