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Thu, 18 Jun 2009 Feature Article

The Results Of Political Expediency By Cameron Duodu

The Results Of Political Expediency By Cameron Duodu

The British Labour Party was once counted among the most principled parties in the world. Formed by intellectuals (mainly grouped in the Fabian Society) and trade unionists, it fought for the welfare of the disadvantaged in society.

It helped to build a “welfare state” in which the unemployed were paid a “benefit” so that they wouldn't starve.

The old were given pensions; the sick were looked after in a free “National Health Service”; and houses were built for those who could not pay the high rents charged by house-owners.

Its record in international affairs was also creditable.

Its prominent members included people like Sir Dingle Foot, who defended African nationalist leaders, including Dr Kwame Nkrumah, who fell foul of colonial laws.

Fenner Brockway, a Labour MP, annoyed his fellow Labour Party members in government, by tirelessly questioning their actions in British colonies.

When, in 1956, the then British Prime Minister, Sir Anthony Eden, invaded Egypt in collusion with France and Israel, the Labour Party leader, Hugh Gaitskell, refused to accept that the invasion was “in the national interest of Britain” and denounced the invasion.

He helped to torpedo the secret Anglo-French-Israeli design to permanently occupy the Suez Canal zone and reap huge profits on charges levied through controlling the shipping lanes to and from the Middle East.

A decade later, when the United States, under President Lyndon Jonson, wanted Britain to join the US in its aggression against Vietnam, the British Labour Prime Minister of the time, Harold Wilson refused to do so. Wilson became a cropper by failing to quell the rebellion of Ian Smith and his “cowboy cabinet” in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) but his steadfast resistance to the attempt of Lyndon Johnson to co-opt him earned him enormous respect.

But over the years, the Labour Party's original ideals were diluted from within by a succession of leaders who wanted to be second-class Americans.

Jim Callaghan was one of these. But the one who took British subservience to America to another level was Tony Blair.

When Blair got to know that President George W Bush wanted to invade Iraq, Blair immediately constructed a scenario that put Iraq in possession of weapons of mass destruction that could reach Britain “in 45 minutes”.

To prevent Iraq from “firing such weapons at Britain,” Blair joined Bush in raining bombs on Iraq which, according to some estimates, have killed about a million Iraqis — so far.

Blair's lies to Parliament about Iraq's alleged possession of weapons of mass destruction were patently barefaced. Blair's own intelligence chief reported to him, after a visit to Washington, that the Americans were “fixing the intelligence” to suit decisions already made to invade Iraq.

But Members of Parliament elected on the ticket of the great Labour Party closed their eyes to the evidence and their ears to sensible arguments and allowed Blair to have his way, as Prime Minister, and take Britain into a senseless war.

It was evident that the war would stretch Britain's armed forces and deplete its exchequer.

When Afghanistan was added to the list of the Blair enterprise, one had to pinch oneself to believe that one was seeing reality and not experiencing an incredible nightmare.

It was pathetic to observe the inability of the Parliamentary Labour Party to rein in a man who was intent on robbing Britain of its good name and making dangerous enemies for the peaceful people of the country.

One looked for principled people among the Labour MPs.

When Robin Cook, who had been Blair's Foreign Secretary for some time before being made leader of the House of Commons, resigned in March 2003 in protest against the impending Iraq war, one looked in vain for Labour MPs to troop behind him and force Blair's hand to abandon the invasion.

All the while, Gordon Brown sat behind Blair, plotting how to get rid of Blair but not because he wanted to give expression to the country's hatred of the war, but to satisfy his own personal fierce ambition to be Prime Minister. On June 27, 2007, Blair resigned and Brown took over.

But those who had hoped that Brown would read the signs and abandon Blair's hopeless war adventures in Iraq and Afghanistan, were to be disappointed.

Brown continued as Blair had done, and except for the fact that he cut a less charismatic figure than Blair, it appeared as if nothing had changed.

In the latter half of 2008, Brown showed his true colours for all to see. By a series of greed-induced gambles, some of the most respected banks in Britain suddenly found themselves floundering.

They had taken on their books, huge amounts of “sub-prime mortgages” and other debts that they could not finance out of their own resources.

Afraid that if they lent money to each other, they would never see the money gain, the banks caused inter-bank lending to freeze. In the USA, Bear Stearns Bank, Lehman Brothers and other big financial institutions were allowed to fold up. AIG, however, was deemed too big to fail and rescued.

In Britain, Brown used taxpayers' money to bail out almost every bank that was in trouble or to arrange for their fairly painless takeover.

Even when the rescued banks outraged the citizenry by paying huge bonuses and pensions to some of the executives who had led them into near-liquidation, Brown showed little concern.

Meanwhile, thousands of ordinary citizens who were in danger of losing their homes because they had been misled into borrowing more than they could repay, were largely left to their own resources.

Some assistance was offered them, but they paled into insignificance compared to the billions the banks had swallowed.

Wasn't the Labour Party supposed to be the common man's friend, which would tax the rich in order to help the poor? Under Brown, the exact opposite happened — billions for the rogue banks and very little for the common man.

And then, a scandal broke out which showed that the rich-friendly policies being followed by the Labour Party under Brown, did not come out of thin air.

The MPs who were supposed to go to Parliament to safeguard the welfare of the people, were carrying out all sorts of skullduggery.

Some MPs were claiming refunds for mortgage interest on two homes instead of the single homes to which they were entitled; others were buying all sorts of things and charging them as necessities for their homes.

One MP even charged the state for employing people to clean the moat outside his castle! The scandal of the MPs' fiddled expenses has been enjoying prominence in the media for about four weeks now.

Unfortunately for Brown, the scandal broke out just before council elections and elections to the European Parliament were held.

And the electorate used these elections to make Brown aware that they held him responsible, as Prime Minister, for the rot that set in at Westminster.

Some ministers and MPs are now deserting Brown because they have seen how weak he has become.

But there doesn't appear to be anyone who can lead the Labour Party and help it to rediscover the principles that once made Labour so strong, and convince the electorate that Labour has reformed itself and is still worthy of trust.

Yet if it is Brown who leads the Party into the next election — which is due in a year's time — it appears likely, from this week's electoral results, that Labour will be lucky if it is not wiped off the face of British politics for some time.

Ghanaian politicians who didn't learn their lesson from the 2008 elections, had better study the Labour Party's debacle closely. Yes, it is true that you cannot deceive the public for ever.

Credit: Cameron Duodu (The Ghanaian Times)

Cameron Duodu
Cameron Duodu, © 2009

Martin Cameron Duodu is a United Kingdom-based Ghanaian novelist, journalist, editor and broadcaster. After publishing a novel, The Gab Boys, in 1967, Duodu went on to a career as a journalist and editorialist.. More Martin Cameron Duodu (born 24 May 1937) is a United Kingdom-based Ghanaian novelist, journalist, editor and broadcaster. After publishing a novel, The Gab Boys, in 1967, Duodu went on to a career as a journalist and editorialist.

Education
Duodu was born in Asiakwa in eastern Ghana and educated at Kyebi Government Senior School and the Rapid Results College, London , through which he took his O-Level and A-Level examinations by correspondence course . He began writing while still at school, the first story he ever wrote ("Tough Guy In Town") being broadcast on the radio programme The Singing Net and subsequently included in Voices of Ghana , a 1958 anthology edited by Henry Swanzy that was "the first Ghanaian literary anthology of poems, stories, plays and essays".

Early career
Duodu was a student teacher in 1954, and worked on a general magazine called New Nation in Ghana, before going on to become a radio journalist for the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation from 1956 to 1960, becoming editor of radio news <8> (moonlighting by contributing short stories and poetry to The Singing Net and plays to the programme Ghana Theatre). <9> From 1960 to 1965 he was editor of the Ghana edition of the South African magazine Drum , <10> and in 1970 edited the Daily Graphic , <3> the biggest-selling newspaper in Ghana.< citation needed >

The Gab Boys (1967) and creative writing
In 1967, Duodu's novel The Gab Boys was published in London by André Deutsch . The "gab boys" of the title – so called because of their gabardine trousers – are the sharply dressed youths who hang about the village and are considered delinquent by their elders. The novel is the story of the adventures of one of them, who runs away from village life, eventually finding a new life in the Ghana capital of Accra . According to one recent critic, "Duodu simultaneously represents two currents in West African literature of the time, on the one hand the exploration of cultural conflict and political corruption in post-colonial African society associated with novelists and playwrights such as Chinua Achebe and Ama Ata Aidoo , and on the other hand the optimistic affirmation of African cultural strengths found in poets of the time such as David Diop and Frank Kobina Parkes . These themes come together in a very compassionate discussion of the way that individual people, rich and poor, are pushed to compromise themselves as they try to navigate a near-chaotic transitional society."

In June 2010 Duodu was a participant in the symposium Empire and Me: Personal Recollections of Imperialism in Reality and Imagination, held at Cumberland Lodge , alongside other speakers who included Diran Adebayo , Jake Arnott , Margaret Busby , Meira Chand , Michelle de Kretser , Nuruddin Farah , Jack Mapanje , Susheila Nasta , Jacob Ross , Marina Warner , and others.

Duodu also writes plays and poetry. His work was included in the anthology Messages: Poems from Ghana ( Heinemann Educational Books , 1970).

Other activities and journalism
Having worked as a correspondent for various publications in the decades since the 1960s, including The Observer , The Financial Times , The Sunday Times , United Press International , Reuters , De Volkskrant ( Amsterdam ), and The Economist , Duodu has been based in Britain as a freelance journalist since the 1980s. He has had stints with the magazines South and Index on Censorship , and has written regularly for outlets such as The Independent and The Guardian .

He is the author of the blog "Under the Neem Tree" in New African magazine (London), and has also published regular columns in The Mail and Guardian ( Johannesburg ) and City Press (Johannesburg), as well as writing a weekly column for the Ghanaian Times (Accra) for many years.< citation needed >

Duodu has appeared frequently as a contributor on BBC World TV and BBC World Service radio news programmes discussing African politics, economy and culture.

He contributed to the 2014 volume Essays in Honour of Wole Soyinka at 80, edited by Ivor Agyeman-Duah and Ogochukwu Promise.
Column: Cameron Duodu

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