Potential Bangladesh and road to one-party rule

Many people in the West consider Bangladesh as an example Muslim nation having growing democratic base. The recent past general election of December 29, 2008 was at the top of the items of several influential news media in the world.

For many reasons, people of Bangladesh enjoy the status of a proud nation. One of such is their struggle and sacrifice for mother language, which has already attained international acclamations and endorsements.

Bengalis by nature are very courageous. They live under various forms of natural and otherwise disasters, starting from flood, draught, cyclone, poverty to political instability. But, on the other hand, the country is extremely potential and resourceful with world's richest mineral resources. Although western experts (serving the interest of corporate syndicates) continue to claim that the natural gas reserve in Bangladesh is quickly exhausting, according to a number of unpublished fact sheets, actual reserve of natural gas in the country is 'infinite'. On the other hand, there is a huge layer of petroleum resources right beneath the gas layer in the country.

St. Martin, a tiny island on Bay of Bengal is another important spot of attraction of many westerners for obvious reasons. It is believed that the island holds one of the largest stocks of uranium in the world. This will certainly be a valid question as to where these uranium resources will land. Whether in military establishments or industrial? Should Bangladesh properly understand its 'worth' by at least guessing what kind of resources its soil holds, the country will be able to not only make best use of its natural resources but bring a favorable economic change for its people.

St. Martin's Island is a small island in the northeast part of the Bay of Bengal, about 9 km south of the tip of the Cox's Bazar-Teknaf peninsula, and forming the southernmost part of Bangladesh. It is the only coral island in Bangladesh. It is about 8 km west of the northwest coast of Myanmar at the mouth of the Naf River. The local name of the island is "Narical Gingira", also spelled "Narikel Jinjera", translated from Bangla, meaning 'Coconut Island'.

St. Martin's Island has become a popular tourist spot. Currently, three shipping liners run daily trips to the island. Tourists can book their trip either from Chittagong or from Cox's Bazar. The surrounding coral reef of the island has an extension named Chera Dwip.

In the past 5 years St. Martin's visitor population has increased dramatically. While this situation has proven to be lucrative for the islanders, it is causing the natural beauty of the island to deteriorate. Presently there are many efforts being put forth to preserve the several endagered species of turtles that nest on the island, as well as the corals, some of which are found only on Narikel Jinjera. Pieces of the coral reef are being removed in order to be sold to tourists. Nesting turtles are sometimes taken for food, and their hatchlings are often distracted by the twinkling lights along the beach. Species of fish, a few just recently discovered, are being overfished. Every year the fishermen must venture further out to sea to get their catch. Most of them use motorless boats.

At high tide the island is about 3 miles around, and pinched in the middle. The island exists only because of its coral base, so removal of that coral risks erosion of the beaches. St. Martins has lost roughly 25% of its coral reef in the past 7 years.

Tourism experts believe, if Bangladeshi government could take extensive measures in transforming the entire island into an international tourism spot, taking examples from islands in Bahamas or Maldives, this tiny piece of island could contribute millions of dollars to Bangladesh economy every year. For this, the government needs to relocate the local residents of St. Martin to other places and allow all forms of tourist facilities including lifting ban on alcoholic beverages (for the foreigners), forming special security force for tourists as well build golf course and other tourist resorts. In such case, millions of dollars will flow in even during this global recession to this island from potential large foreign investors having interests in tourism sector.

But, Bangladeshi governments failed in past in taking measures favorable to tourism sector especially in attracting foreign tourists, as the country follows undeclared but strict Sharia laws in many sects. For example, in worlds largest Moslem nations like Indonesia, United Arab Emirates or Maldives, alcoholic beverage is not forbidden. Moslems avoid such beverage not due to ban but showing respect to their religious obligations. But, in Bangladesh, taking alcoholic beverage is considered to be a serious crime. This is exactly the same situation as many of the nations following Sharia law like Iran, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan etc. But, being a moderate Moslem nation, Bangladesh should certainly change its olden notions.

Few years back, a local entrepreneur established a factory to produce alcoholic beverage such as liqour, beer etc in Bangladesh. This venture was certainly aimed at substituting country's substantial volume of import of such items, for selling in hand-picked number of duty free shops. Moreover, a local refinery owned by the government is continuing to produce local made Rum for decades.

The government instead of patronizing the venture by the private entrepreneur in producing beer, liquor etc, suddenly put a ban on the production at the mad demonstration of several Islamist parties. With this instance, just for appeasing the Islamists and fanatics, Bangladesh lost the potential opportunity of substituting import of alcoholic beverage thus saving millions of dollars while opening a new avenue of huge export earnings.

Bangladeshi governments always spoke of increasing tourism in the country. But they failed in understanding several important facts, which are related to such actions. They could have easily followed the examples of Maldives, UAE or Indonesia. Instead, and unfortunately, they followed radical Iran or other Sharia law countries.

Although Bengalis are very proud and bright nation, their political luck was never good. When the country was born in 1971 after nine-month's war against the mighty Pakistan army, new government formed under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman gave lots of hope and promises to the nation in upbuilding country's economy; ensuring freedom of press and showing respect to citizen's right.

But, after assuming the office, Mujib was more emphasizing in strengthening his grip over the country's administration thus taking series of bad decisions thus pushing the fate of the nation towards extreme agony.

While Mujib promised of economic growth, he nationalized all the industrial enterprises and financial institutions in the country, thus transforming all such profitable houses into mere center of mass looting, corruption and nepotism. Just in couple of years, all these assests and source of earnings of the nation turned into severe burden with financial losses of millions of dollars each month. Bangabandhu's nationalization policy cracked country's economic back-bone thus creating serious fear in the minds of potential investors, who did not have any courage of thinking of investing in industrial or other large sectors. Critics believe that, such decision was taken keeping the example of Soviet Union with the goal of establishing socialist autocracy in the country.

Next step in political arena by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was even more disastrarous. On June 7, 1975, he established Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), a one party system thus outlawing all political parties in the country. BAKSAL was formed as a national party under the 4th amendment of the constitution. According to the article 7 of the constitution as it was amended there was a provision for one and only one national party. The idea was very similar to Communist party or Baath party established elsewhere. The rules of BAKSAL required all other parties and associations including various services and forces to join the national party and work unitedly in fighting corrosive forces and in rebuilding the nation. Elaborating on the various aspects, scopes and prospects of BAKSAL, Sheikh Mujib characterized it as a 'second revolution'.

In the name of seeking 'national unity', the Fourth Amendment in the constitution provided that no person could continue to remain a member of parliament unless he joined the national party before a time fixed by the President. BAKSAL, the new national party, was scheduled to replace officially the nation's other political organizations and associations on 1 September 1975. Many restrictive regulations coming from the BAKSAL included the promulgation of the Newspaper Ordinance (June 1975) under which the declarations of all but four state owned newspapers were annulled.

In a pamphlet distributed in 1975 by the then government, BAKSAL was mentioned as:

“Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) the only legally recognized party of Bangladesh founded on 7 June 1975 following the Fourth Amendment to the constitution of Bangladesh. Under the Fourth Amendment (Article 117A), Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was entrusted with the responsibility of forming a new 'national party' which would try, on the one hand, to tackle the social, political and economic destabilization consequent upon the war of liberation, and on the other, reconstruct the nation from the debris of the war. Thus authorized, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman formed a national party which he named Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League. The rules of BAKSAL required all other parties and associations including various services and forces to join the national party and work unitedly in fighting corrosive forces and in rebuilding the nation.

“Organizationally, founder father of the nation and life long President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the BAKSAL chairman, appointed for the national party a fifteen-member executive committee, a 115-member central committee, and five front organizations, namely, Jatiya Krishak League, Jatiya Sramik League, Jatiya Mahila League, Jatiya Juba League and Jatiya Chhatra League. All members of the executive committee were to enjoy the status of ministers. BAKSAL was also designed to overhaul the administrative system of the country in order to make it people-oriented. Reforming the elitist bureaucracy was one major aim of the party. The reorganized bureaucracy under the new system was to stand on two pillars, the central committee at the national level and the administrative council at the district level. Every existing sub-division was to be turned into a district headed by an elected governor.

“The administrative council would comprise the members of the Parliament of the district, BAKSAL representatives, and district officials belonging to civil, police and security forces. The governor would be the chief executive of the district with deputy commissioner as his secretary. Such a scheme of local government was a complete departure from the colonial and post-colonial systems that Bangladesh had inherited. It was felt that the district governor system would destroy the vestiges of the exploitative colonial bureaucracy and bring the administration closer to the people and make independence politically and economically meaningful to them. BAKSAL also envisaged large scale nationalization of private concerns with a view to eliminating social and economic inequalities and exploitations.

“In short, BAKSAL, as a system, aimed at achieving an exploitation-free and socialist economic and administrative order more or less close in spirit and contents to the systems of government in contemporary socialist countries.”

Sheikh Mujib proved to be a charismatic leader, but inept to face the challenges that the country was facing after the war. His government was plagued by corruption, intrigue, infighting, and an insurgency by the ultra-left activists as well as reactionary forces that opposed independence. The economy was devastated by a famine in 1974, and some exaggerated accounts of the famine contributed to further discredit his government.

In 1975, Sheikh Mujib attempted to regain control by declaring a state of emergency. The legislature rubber-stamped an amendment to the constitution completely diverting it from the democratic principles of the country. Mujib declared himself president for life and outlawed all political parties except BAKSAL. Rakkhi Bahini, a paramilitary force, loyalist to the party, was raised that was ruthlessly used to subdue any opposition. This force was responsible for many extra-judicial killings of mainly left-wing extremists. According to undocumented facts, more than thirty thousand people were killed by Rakkhi Bahini while unknown numbers of women were raped. Political opponents of Mujib were regularly abducted by the members of this paramilitary force, thus killing and destroying dead bodies.

The new system, in fact, created a lot of misgivings and revulsion amongst the bureaucracy, army, and civil society. Many of the people, who had supported Bangabandhu for his role as a democratic activist, were unhappy to see him as the champion of an authoritarian single party system.

Commenting on formation of BAKSAL, a local analyst named Azizul Karim in an article titled 'From Awami League to BAKSAL' wrote, “On 16th December 1971, a new country was born - Bangladesh. As a newborn country, Bangladesh had lots of hopes and aspirations. It was time for the "Father of the Nation" to materialize the dream that he had presented to the people. The liberation war had broken all the class barriers in the society. A great opportunity was created to forge a national unity leaving aside the age-old class differentiations. The people expected that the leaders would rise above the group and party interest and would unite the people to harness their patriotism and productivities to rebuild the war torn country to fulfill the dream of a 'Golden Bengal'. 100 millions of Bangladeshis would find their rightful place in the world community with dignity and honor. Historical heritage, distinct self identity, the vision of the able leadership, right direction, patriotism, sacrifices, hard work and above all united efforts of the nation could achieve cherished goal step by step with the passage of time. Creation of a progressive, happy and prosperous Bangladesh and reaching its fruits at the doorstep of every citizen would have matched with the spirit of the liberation war. The independence would have then become meaningful. But the people had already become apprehensive about the sincerity of the leadership.

“Our political leaders had always done much sweet-talking than actual deeds. Promises had been even greater. People have heard such for ages and got used to such empty promises. Who ever had gone to power had always failed the people. They had oppressed the people paying no heed to their demands. The isolation of the leaders from the people and their selfish interest were the main reasons for such betrayals. Our leaders mostly are alien in their own societies. That is why people are apathetic toward them. Once in power they do everything to meet their own vested interest and later justify their deeds with power and position. The people remain enslaved in the merry go round of betrayal and deception. The politicians always placed their self-interest above the interest of the nation. Even at times the country and the people became sacrificial goats to meet their greed and lust.

“Soon after stepping on the soil of the independent country Awami League came out with the ambiguous slogan of "Mujibbad". After three and half years when "Mujibbad" was proven to be an empty slogan Sheikh Mujibur Rahman like any other power hungry dictator promulgated 4th amendment and took all powers in his own hand by forming one party autocratic regime of BKSAL. This unprecedented constitutional coup de' tat was called his 'Second Revolution'. As he usurped absolute power apparently things for a while looked calm on the surface but beneath that uneasy calm political and social conditions were fast deteriorating. The main reason for such deterioration was the presumption of the rulers that by dishing out favors and benefits rule can be perpetuated forever. They depended on this belief because of their lake of understanding of the complexities of the newly independent country. Its problems and solutions were beyond their perception. They lacked any ideology, conviction, experience and vision. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman like other third world dictators considered his own ideas and thoughts to be the ultimate. He never cared to take any advice or suggestion from any one, other than his 'kitchen cabinet' comprised of his family members. His all knowing attitudes were to a great extend responsible for his administrative failure.

“He also did not have a clear idea about the difference between party and the state. This became clear even in 1956-57 when he deferred with the then Chief Minister Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan. Mr. Khan wanted to keep the administration totally neutral. He knew that if the administration were brought under the party control then it would be difficult to run the administration efficiently. But Sheikh Mujib refuted his contention and said, "The administration has to accept party domination. Not only that administration will just help and assist the party to execute its policies, but the administration will also be helping in increasing its influence among the people". Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan had to surrender to Sheikh Mujib as he was then considered very powerful in the party. Thus during this time Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the Minister of Commerce and Industries indulged in rampant corruption, nepotism and misuse of power. He used his power in giving out permits, licenses, bank loans, and sanction to establish industries to people who were loyal to him and his cronies.

“After taking over the reign of Bangladesh he started ruling the country in the same old style. Some were given money, some undue promotions, appointments as the directors of the abandoned business concerns and industries, license permits, dealerships etc. to buy support and personal loyalty. This is how only within two and half years a total anarchy was created in the economic sector. Many of his confidants were also involved in smuggling in collaboration with the Marwaris. Thus under the patronization of Awami rule a new class of 'neo' rich grew like mushroom. They accumulated from national resources but did not reinvest into the economic cycle. Most of their wealth was spent in non-productive sectors or transferred abroad. With these people Sheikh Mujibur Rahman wanted to establish 'GOLDEN BENGAL' in the country. It was really very hard to understand what he was up to? Was it his ignorance or cunning mechanization? Was it appropriate that he should place his party's interest over the national interest? Did the nation expect that from him?

“Regarding the state of corruption during Mujib's regime, the reputed journalist Lawrence Lift Shulz wrote in the Far Eastern Economic Review on 30th Aug 1974.”Corruption and malpractices are nothing new. But Dhaka people think the way the corruption and malpractices and plunder of national wealth that had taken place during Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's regime is unprecedented".

“It was virtually impossible for the government to gain any economic or political achievements with such loots and plunders in a newly independent war ravaged country. The looters did not plough back their ill-gotten wealth in the national economy; they spent that fortune for their luxuries and comforts. But the government had to pay heavily as its image got tarnished in the eyes of the people and the world.

“The government became isolated from the people. Against the promise to turn Bangladesh into 'Golden Bengal' the ruling elites turned Bangladesh into a "bottom less basket". The common people viewed this as a national betrayal. They became dejected with the Awami League leadership. Awami League lost the people's support, which was so vital for any government to govern. Gradually they also lost the support of many powerful quarters within the government itself. Their support within the students, youths and armed forces eroded substantially.

“An agricultural country Bangladesh is heavily dependent on the nature. It was a gigantic task to feed 100 millions people in a devastated country. The donors and the international communities came forward generously to help Bangladesh in its reconstruction. Till 30th December 1973 Bangladesh received grants and aid credit amounting 1.4 billion US Dollars. Beside through UNROB huge amount of relief assistance was also provided. In spite of this all the hopes and aspirations of the newly independent nation got lost into the nightmare of AWAMI-BKSAL miss rule.

“AWAMI-BAKSAL period is the dark chapter in the history of Bangladesh. Volumes would not be enough to write the full history. On Jan. 25, 1975 with a stroke of pen Sheikh Mujibur Rahman killed democracy and imposed on the nation the yoke of one party rule of BAKSAL. He snatched away from the people freedom of press, freedom of expression, fundamental rights along with all political rights. All national dailies and periodicals were banned except 4 government-controlled dailies. Constitutional rights of the judiciary were also high jacked and were brought under the administrative control. Rule of law thus was buried.

“The period of AWAMI-BAKSAL rule was full of barbaric atrocities. The history of AWAMI-BAKSAL rule was basically history of murder, rape, loot, oppression, plunder, famine, capitulation to the foreign exploiters, white terror and above all betrayal to the spirit of the liberation war. People could never be able to forget those horrifying memories. In the name of socialism they plundered the national wealth, they kept the border open for the smuggling, for their mismanagement of the economy the country got recognized internationally as the 'bottomless basket'. There was no famine in Bangladesh during or just after the war but hundreds and thousands of people had to die out of the man made famine of'74 during the rule of AWAMI-BAKSAL.

“Sheik Mujib and his government presented the people fascism in the name of democracy, social injustice in the name of socialism, national disunity in the name of Bengali nationalism and communal disharmony in the name of secularism. In this way after subjugating the whole nation in a state of gasping suffocation all the opposition was crushed systematically through state terrorism with a view to close all the constitutional and democratic avenues to bring any change of government. The nation was thrown into an era of total darkness with no hope to breathe afresh.

“By creating Rakkhi Bahini, Lal Bahini, Sheccha Shebok Bahini and other private Bahinis AWAMI-BAKSALISTS unleashed an unbearable reign of terror killing 40,000 nationalists and patriotic people without any trial.

“On 24th Feb 1975 President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through a decree announced formation of the only political party of the country Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League or BAKSAL. He also declared himself to be the chairman of BAKSAL. In the 3rd article of the announcement it was stated, "Till any further order from the President all the members of the Parliament of the defunct Awami League, all its members, Cabinet Ministers, deputy Ministers, state Ministers will be considered as the members of the BAKSAL.

“Due to the announcement of the so-called 'national party' all other political parties got abolished. Finally CPB, NAP Muzaffar and Awami League got merged into BAKSAL. Out of the 8 opposition members in the Parliament 4 joined BAKSAL.

“On 6th June 1975 the organizational structure and the constitution of BKSAL was announced. That day names of 115 member's central committee were announced. In that 115 members-- vice President, Prime Minister, speaker, deputy speaker, Ministers, deputy Ministers, state Ministers, 3 Chiefs of the army, navy and air force, DG BDR (Bangladesh Riffles), DG JRB (Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini) and the secretaries of all the ministries were included.

“The Executive Committee of BKSAL
(1) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, (2) Sayed Nazrul Islam, (3) Captain (Retired) Mansoor Ali, (4) Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed, (5) Abdul Hasnat Mohammad Kamruzzaman, (6) Abdul Malek Ukil, (7) Prof. Yusuf Ali, (8) Manaranjan Dhar, (9) Mohiuddin Ahmed, (10) Gazi Golam Mustafa, (11) Zillur Rahman (presently President of Bangladesh), (12) Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moni and (13) Abdur Razzak.

“List of the Central Committee of BAKSAL
(1) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, (2) Sayed Nazrul Islam, (3) Mansoor Ali, (4) Abdul Malik Ukil, (5) Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmad, (6) A.H.M Kamaruzzaman, (7) Mahmudullah, (8) Abdus Samad Azad, (9) Yusuf Ali, (10) Fani Bhushan Majumder, (11) Dr. Kamal Hussain, (12) Sohrab Hussain, (13) Abdul Mannan, (14) Abdur Rab Shernyabat, (15) Manaranjan Dhar, (16) Abdul Matin, (17) Asaduzzanan, (18) Korban Ali, (19) Dr. Azizul Rahman Mallik, (20) Dr. Mozzaffar Ahmad Choudhury, (21) Tofayel Ahmad, (22) Shah Moazzam Hossain, (23) Abdul Momen Talukder, (24) Dewan Farid Ganj, (25) Professor Nurul Islam Choudhry, (26) Taher uddin Thakur, (27) Moslemuddin Khan, (28) MD Nurul Islam Manju, (29) AKM Obaidur Rahman, (30) Dr. Khitish Chandra Mandal, (31) Reazuddin Ahmad, (32) M. Baitullah, (33) Rahul Quddus(Secretary), (34) Zillur Rahman, (35) Mohiuddin Ahmad MP, (36) Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moin, (37) Abdur Razzaq, (38) Sheikh Shahidul Islam, (39) Anwar Choudhry, (40) Sajeda Choudhry, (41) Taslema Abed, (42) Abdur Rahim, (43) Abdul Awal, (44) Lutfur Rahman, (45) A.K. Muzibur Rahman, (46) Dr. Mofiz Choudhry, (47) Dr. Allauddin, (48) Dr. Ahsanul Haq, (49) Raushan Ali, (50) Azizur Rahman Akkas, (51) Sheikh Abdul Aziz, (52) Salahuddin Yusuf, (53) Michale Shushil Adhikari, (54) Kazi Abdul Hakim, (55) Mollah Jalaluddin, (56) Shamsuddin Mollah, (57) Gaur Chandra Bala, (58) Gazi Ghulam Mustafa, (59) Shamsul Haq, (60) Shamsuzzoha, (61) Rafiqueuddin Bhuiya, (62) Syed Ahmad, (63) Shamsur Rahman Khan, (64) Nurul Haq, (65) Kazi Zahurul Qayyum, (66) Capt.(Retd) Sujjat Ali, (67) M.R. Siddiqui, (68) MA Wahab, (69) Chittaranjan Sutar, (70) Sayeda Razia Banu, (71) Ataur Rahman Khan, (72) Khandakar Muhammad Illyas, (73) Mong Pru Saire, (74) Professor Muzzafar Ahmad, (75) Ataur Rahman, (76) Pir Habibur Rahman, (77) Sayeed Altaf Hussain, (78) Muhammad Farhad, (79) Motia Choudhury. (80) Hazi Danesh, (81) Taufiq Inam(Secretary), (82) Nurul Islam(Secretary), (83) Fayezuddin (Secretary), (84) Mahbubur Rahman(Secretary), (85) Abdul Khaleque, (86) Muzibul Haq (Secretary), (87) Abdur Rahim(Secretary), (88) Moinul Islam (Secretary), (89) Sayeeduzzaman(Secretary), (90) Anisuzzaman(Secretary), (91) Dr. A Sattar (Secretary), (92) M.A Samad(Secretary), (93) Abu Tahir (Secretary), (94) Al Hossaini (Secretary), (95) Dr Tajul Hossain(Secretary), (96) Motiur Rahman. Chairman. TCB, (97) Maj. Gen K.M. Safiullah, (98) Air Vice Marshal A.K. Khandakar, (99) Commodore M.H. Khan, (100) Maj Gen. Khalilur Rahman, (101) A.K. Naziruddin, (102) Dr. Abdul Matin Choudhury, (103) Dr. Mazharul Islam, (104) Dr. Sramul Haq, (105) ATM Syed Hossain, (106) Nurul Islam, (107) Dr. Nilima Ibrahim, (108) Dr. Nurul Islam PG Hospital, (109) Obaidul Haq Editor, Bangladesh Observer, (110) Anwar Hossain Manju, Editor, Daily Ittefaq, (111) Mizanur Rahman BPI, (112) Manawarul Islam, (113) Brig. A.M.S. Nuruzzaman DG Jatiyo Rakki Bahini, (114) Kamruzzaman, Teachers Association, (115) Dr. Mazhar Ali Kadri.

“In the same declaration 5 sister organization of BAKSAL were also formed:-

General Secretaries
1. Jatiyo Krishak league Fani Bhushan Majumdar 2. Jatiyo Sramik league Professor. Yousuf Ali 3. Jatiyo Mahila league Sajeda Choudhury 4. Jatiyo Jubo league Tofayel Ahmed 5. Jatiyo Chattra league Sheikh Shahidul Islam.

“The general Secretaries nominated were most trusted confidants of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The members of the central committees of these organizations consisted of members taken from CPB, NAP Muzaffar and Jatiyo league of Ataur Rahman Khan.

“In accordance with forming of BAKSAL on 16th June 1975, News Paper Cancellation Act was promulgated. Under this Act only four nationalized dailies were allowed to be published along with a few weeklies. Rests were all banned.

“Thus after complete burial of democracy the whole country was subjugated under unprecedented reign of white terror. Being denied of personal security the people was suffocated and became hostages in their own homeland under the tyranny of the autocratic BAKSAL rule. The political leaders and workers alike miserably failed to grasp the famous doctrine, "Of the people, by the people and for the people." Thus people could not achieve their cherished dream in spite of their glorious straggle and sacrifice. All their efforts had got lost once again in the blind alley because of the betrayal of the leadership.”

On August 15, 1975, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the undisputed leader of Bengali nation was brutally murdered along with the members of his family inside his private residence in Dhaka. Many political analysts believe that, Bangabandhu had to give his blood for accepting wrong suggestions from his power-monger and greedy advisors and fellow leaders. Although there are numerous allegations of corruption by many of the members of Bangabandhu government and leaders of his party, his image always remains extremely clean and above any controversy as far as financial matter is concerned. No one in even today's Bangladesh, where politics is extremely polarized, ever terms Bangabandhu as a 'corrupt'.

This may be a valid question as to why a legendary figure like Bangabandhu committed such blunder, which will remain as a black chapter in the history of Bangladesh? Should Bangabandhu reject becoming the ruler; he would have been virtually worshipped by the Bengali people for his heroic role, like Mahatma Gandhi.

Even at the later stage, after the tragic assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, his ancestors even abandoned BAKSAL and many till today feel shy in speaking in defense of the decision of the founding father of the nation in forming this one-party system.

Possibly, it is true, power blinds people. And then people begin committing blunders. Now, in Bangladesh, daughter of Bangabandhu is in power. Bangladesh Awami League under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina Wajed although is yet to openly say anything in favor of BAKSAL, but they too are proceeding in a newly formulated way, which will ultimately put Bangladesh under a one-party rule, instead of democracy participated by many parties.

The Grand Alliance, which is in power, has already housed more than 15 political parties or individuals in the government under a single umbrella. During the last general election, candidates of the Grand Alliance were pursued to contest with the official symbol of Awami League. On the other hand, rightist wing led by Mrs. Khaleda Zia is also operating under the umbrella of 4-party alliance, which again houses mostly Islamist parties. Any other party, out of the two 'Huge Umbrellas' are possibly beyond the nearest possible distance of winning any election or getting into power.

Now, Sheikh Hasina Wajed is continuing to call for 'National Unity'. Although it sounds very juicy, but, according to my own analysis, this is the call for all political parties to be united under the umbrella of 'Grand Alliance', which is a modern version of BAKSAL. Since getting into administration, Sheikh Hasina is continuing shifting civil and military bureaucrats from one place to another, and ever sending many to forced retirement, with the ambition of setting pro-Awami League figures in every level of country's administration.

There may not be direct ban on newspapers, but tremendous suppression of freedom of expression will continue in the country. Only recently information secretary of Bangladesh was fired as he wrote a poem, which, according to newspaper reports was indirectly portraying Bangabandhu in a negative manner. Sedition charges were brought against Abu Karim, the former secretary and all forms of harassment tactics were applied on him to leave a strong signal to everyone else that, criticizing Bangabandhu during Sheikh Hasina Wajed's rule is seditious.

Most of the opposition newspapers in Bangladesh will already be deprived of advertisements distributed by the state controlled system. Series of cases will be brought against the owners of newspapers with the intention of drying up the economic back-bone of these publications. The government is also considering reviewing the Value Added Tax (VAT) payment by all the existing newspapers and television channels (belonging to opposition voice) with the intention of putting severe pressure on them.

Para military force, Bangladesh Rifles has already been smashed through February's massacre. The government is working on formation of another para-military force in the country. Hope, it will not be the revival of Rakkhi Bahini in a different label.

Awami League government is continuing to stick on its socialist philosophy by indirectly abandoning the capitalist idea. As part of party's own constitution, socialism is the chosen path of administration by the government of Sheikh Hasina Wajed.

State-owned media are already back in propagating Awami League and Bangabandhu in the pre-1975 style. Thousands of establishments in the country will be renamed with 'Bangabandhu' at the beginning. Joy Bangla will replace Bangladesh Zindabad slogan. Calligraphy of similar slogan and a huge portrait of Bangabandhu shall be placed inside the National Assembly Hall. Huge sized bronze made statues of Bangabandhu shall be erected in front of the Zia International Airport, Bangabandhu multi-purpose bridge, National Assembly Hall, National Parade Square, Kamalapur railway station and other important places in the country. Civil and military officers, soldiers as well as members of law enforcing agencies will be required to wear a small badge with the portrait of Bangabandhu (similarly as Soviet era's Lenin portrait).

And, this will be another journey for Bangladesh towards one-party rule!