Feature Article : "The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of Modernghana.com."

By Dr Christopher Fomunyoh*

In the past two decades, Africa has witnessed systemic shifts in state-society relations as a result of what Samuel P. Huntington described as the third wave of democratization.The collapse of the Berlin wall in 1989, the demise of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War transformed the international landscape. World powers began to reshape their approaches to international relations and to place a higher premium on support for democracy and good governance. The global winds of change from the outside coincided with the collapse of the state in many African countries, epitomized by the failures of one party states and military rule. Across the continent, the most significant events of that moment include the independence of Namibia in 1989, the holding of national conferences in Benin and other francophone African countries beginning in 1991, and the end of apartheid in South Africa in 1992.

Success stories: In the early 1990s, there was significant optimism, and high hopes for democracy and good governance in Africa. Since that time, there has been a yearning for visionary and effective leadership on the continent. In October 1991, Heads of Government of the Commonwealth of Nations issued the Harare Declaration, which reaffirmed their commitment to fundamental principles in a previous declaration issued in Singapore in 1971. Notably, the Harare declaration outlined commitments to “face the challenges of the 1990s and beyond” and a pledge to work vigorously for “democracy, democratic processes and institutions …the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, just and honest government; fundamental human rights.”

Since the early 1990s, we have witnessed over 130 presidential elections in Africa, 69 percent of which have been considered credible enough to provide legitimacy to the victors. The Freedom House ratings of African countries also improved from just four free countries in the 1980s, to nine free and 23 partly free in 1992, and 11 free and 21 partly free in 2007. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), frequently criticized for ignoring gross human rights violations across the continent, transformed itself into a more progressive, people-oriented African Union in 2000. And while only three heads of state voluntarily relinquished power between 1960 and 1990, the number of leaders that left power voluntarily has risen to over 40 since 1990: some of these leaders were term limited by the constitutions of their respective countries; others lost elections and accepted the outcome.

Developmental and democratization challenges: Despite the above-mentioned advances, Africa still faces several challenges: conflicts rage in Somalia, now a failed state, and in Darfur (western part of Sudan); armed skirmishes and gross human rights violations still occur in the Eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo; peace and reconciliation are fragile and the presence of peacekeepers still required in Cote d'Ivoire; and a striking 31 percent of recent elections in Africa have either been flawed or unrepresentative of the will of the people. Election-related disputes have sparked social upheaval, conflict and instability in several African countries as recently witnessed in Kenya, and as we are watching with increasing alarm in Zimbabwe. In fact, in today's Zimbabwe, one must deplore the polarization of political discourse, the intimidation and violence, and the possibility that yet another African country is about to descent into the abyss of civil conflict. The common thread uniting all of these challenges is political leadership, or the lack thereof. The scarcity of visionary and effective political leadership is indeed the greatest challenge that Africa faces today.

Against this backdrop, the fate of tomorrow's Africa will be determined by relational patterns in which the state and society grapple with the challenges of modernization and development at two variant speed levels. Many Africanists observe that Africans and their societies are always ahead of their states, and so I believe the true test of leadership would be in helping close the gap between the aspirations of the African people on the one hand, and the performance of their leaders on the other, in order to foster the consolidation of economic and political development. This implies that leadership does not have to emerge solely from the state or the executive branch of government.

Comparative overview: Leadership matters. And, in transitional societies struggling to rebuild or strengthen fragile political processes, visionary, bold and effective leadership matters even more.

In 1956, then US Senator John F. Kennedy wrote Profiles in Courage, a collection of reports on individuals that exercised political leadership through courageous actions and despite overwhelming pressures to the contrary. In Profiles in Courage, Kennedy tells the story of Southern Senator Sam Houston of Texas who was the only Southern Democrat to vote against the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854. The act would have allowed voters of US territories from Iowa to the Rocky Mountains to determine whether slavery would be allowed in their territory. Houston's constituency in Texas and the members of his party were furious at his refusal to vote for the act. As a result of his vote Houston was defeated in a race for the Texas governorship. He was also dismissed from the Senate by the Texas legislature in 1857. In 1859, Houston ran again for governor and was elected in what was perceived as a major setback for pro-slavery politics in Texas. Houston would ultimately be ousted from the governorship after Texas voted to secede from the Union and Houston refused to take an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy. Houston's courage in rejecting political expediency and maintaining his anti-slavery views was an example of true leadership. Today, Sam Houston has a city named after him, many public buildings in Texas carry his name, and he remains a hero.

Slightly more than a decade ago, a gentleman on the continent regained his hard fought freedom after 27 years of imprisonment for daring to advocate for the freedom and basic rights of his fellow countrymen and women. President Nelson Mandela endured various enormities for close to three decades. Upon his release, Mandela could have poisoned race relations across South Africa and the world at large by revisiting the bitterness and victimization of the apartheid years; yet he opted for peace, national reconciliation and a democratic multiracial South Africa. That truly is extraordinary leadership, and yes, it is African too!

In these historic times, as Africa experiences multiple transformations in search of genuine leaders and greater democratic governance, we should reflect upon what late President Kennedy said about democracy. In 1956, Kennedy stated that “true democracy. . . puts its faith in the people – faith that the people will not simply elect men who will represent their views ably and faithfully, but also elect men who will exercise their conscientious judgment – faith that the people will not condemn those whose devotion to principle leads them to unpopular courses, but will reward courage, respect honor and ultimately recognize right.” Kennedy's words speak to the essence of political leadership and courage, just as the words of another 20th century leader Winston Churchill who stated, “Courage is rightly esteemed the first of human qualities because it is the quality which guarantees all others.” The lives and leadership of Kennedy and Churchill, and Nelson Mandela, among many others, certainly inspire reflection on the qualities of transformative leadership.

PARADIGM SHIFT TOWARDS DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE, AND ITS IMPACT ON LEADERSHIP

As African countries make the transition from one party or military rule to functioning democracies, two pertinent issues require particular attention with regards to leadership: a) constitutionalism and levers of effective governance; and b) the multiplicity of stakeholders and constituencies.

Constitutionalism and leadership

Governing effectively is a key leadership challenge in contemporary Africa. As is the case in modern nation-states, African constitutions, define the framework for the balance of power within the state, and state-societal relations. The constitutional doctrine of the separation of powers is a much-needed firewall in democracies, intended to curb the excesses of any one person or institution. Each branch of the government can serve as part of a web of checks and balances in order to hold leaders accountable to citizens. In democratic societies, the legislative, executive, and judiciary branches fulfill different roles, with distinct responsibilities. Leadership, properly exercised, recognizes the wisdom of such boundaries. Although African constitutions stipulate this separation of powers, in practice, the divisions between the respective branches of government is often challenged or disregarded. Unlike the very centralized nature of one party or military rule that created the impression that leadership emerged mainly from the executive branch, the reality of democratic governance is that political power is more defuse and opportunities significantly higher for role models in leadership within other branches of government, and entities such as political parties, civil society organization and the media.

Role of parliament

Since the emergence of the third wave of democratization in Africa in the 1990s, legislatures across the continent have begun to conduct oversight of the executive branch of government and have developed additional capacity to craft legislation and represent citizen or constituent interests. In many cases, these developments have served to strengthen democratization processes despite the lack of adequate human and financial resources for many legislators. In a recent interview with the Africa All Party Parliamentary Group, a Ugandan MP spoke of the importance of engaging a country's entire population in the demand for accountability stating that “we need to reach a point where the building of a school in a local community is seen by that community not as a favor to be grateful for, but as the government's job.” Although many legislatures are poorly staffed and function with far less resources compared to the executive branch, some progress has been made since the days of military and one-party rule when legislatures were dissolved or merely rubberstamped dictates from the executive branch. Numerous examples now exists of impressive interventions by African legislatures demanding accountability from, and exercising oversight of the executive branch.

Attempts to amend constitutions to extend the office terms of incumbent rulers have been successfully halted by legislators in Zambia, Malawi and Nigeria. In May 2001 Zambian President Frederick Chiluba forced the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) party to re-nominate him as the party's presidential candidate. That move caused a split in the MMD. Protests resulted, and the parliament initiated impeachment proceedings. Shortly thereafter, Chiluba dropped his bid to seek a third term. In July 2002, the National Assembly of Malawi rejected proposals to amend the country's constitution to allow President Bakili Muluzi to run for a third term. Similarly, in May 2006, the Nigerian National Assembly rejected a constitutional amendment bill that would have allowed then President Olusegun Obasanjo to run for a third term in 2007. The Senate voted down the amendment, after which the House of Representatives withdrew the amendment from consideration. In all three cases, strong responses by legislators to the proposed third term agenda of incumbent presidents also galvanized labor unions, religious leaders, students and civil society organizations to oppose the move. Members of the respective legislatures felt empowered, as indeed they should be, in catering to the greater interests of citizens and the democratic future of the state.

In Ghana, the new constitution adopted in 1992 stipulates that the chairman of the Public Accounts Committee in parliament should be from an opposition party. The ultimate goal is to allow members of that very important committee to exercise oversight responsibilities effectively by closely scrutinizing the use of public finances.

In 1994, the National Assembly of Benin used its constitutionally mandated authority over the national budget to curb the influence of an overbearing Head of State over the budget enactment bill. In that instance, the executive branch had claimed that the budget adopted by the Benin National Assembly was inflated and thus endangered Benin's commitments to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF). The executive branch sort to execute its own budget that was compliant with conditions negotiated with the World Bank and IMF under the country's structural adjustment plan. The Beninese National Assembly petitioned the constitutional court which ruled that the National Assembly had not violated the constitution as the budget passed by the National Assembly respected provisions that required a balanced budget, nor had the budget violated Benin's agreements with the World Bank and IMF as the executive had claimed. The budget crisis was ultimately resolved as the National Assembly and the executive produced a harmonized version of the budget. The 1994 budget crisis in Benin captured the National Assembly's effective assertion of a leadership role by defending its constitutional mandate. Even international financial institutions such as the World Bank and IMF drew lessons from that experience and in negotiating country poverty reduction strategies (PRSPs), now engage in greater and better outreach with political and civic leaders in emerging democracies.

Multiplicity of stakeholders and constituencies: Role of political parties  Continued    Source: PanAfrican Visions - Pan Africa Visions

"The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of Modernghana.com." To have your articles publish, please submit them to editor@modernghana.com.

Other Articles by PanAfrican Visions